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dimanche, 30 mars 2014

EU Sanctions Against Russia to Cripple European Economy

Euro MP Pino Arlacchi

The EU sanctions against Russia would cripple the European economy instead, Euro MP Pino Arlacchi. “The position of the European Union should be different from the US position. Europe should not insist on the extension of sanctions. These sanctions are unwise. In fact, they are directed against us,” he said.

Arlacchi believes that the European Union would not be pushing the sanctions further. “Europe has every reason to cooperate with the Russian Federation, there is no obstacle for this,” he said, adding that the US has a completely different position.

“The US wants to become a global government, and any country that does not agree with this, becomes their enemy. The relations between Russia and the US are likely to stay tensed,” the Euro MP said.

The Ukrainian crisis was provoked by the EU interference with the internal affairs of the country, Euro MP Pino Arlacchi said.

“The EU supported the rebellion in Ukraine, without taking into account that Ukraine is a complicated country,” he said. Most of Ukraine is pro-Russian and even speaks Russian language, Arlacchi noted.

“We have supported a mild revolution… But we did not take into account the presence of the fascist elements in the new government. Five ministers have ties with the neo-Nazi ideology in their biographies. Bashfully we avert our eyes from seeing what is happening,” the politician confessed.

The US President Barak Obama has decided to visit Amsterdam, Haag, Brussels, Vatican, Rome and the Saudi Arabia. During his visits, Obama is to discuss Ukrainian issue with the countries’ officials. The US has to fulfill its plan, aimed at separation of Ukraine from Russia. After the Crimea decided to integrate with Russia, the plan took a different option from what the US had primarily expected. Some experts think that Obama will “accidentally” come to Kiev in order to support the legitimacy of the current Ukrainian government.

Current speech of the White House and the Department of State assume that there would be a lot of anti-Russian rhetoric during Obama’s visits. On March 26, Obama is to deliver a geopolitical speech, which is likely to be anti-Russian, in Brussels. Brussels will hold the EU-US conference and meeting with the Secretary General of NATO. Obama is to participate in the nuclear safety conference in Haag and urgent summit of G7. He is likely to lobby trade sanctions against Russia.

The results of the meeting with the Secretary General of NATO are evident. The meeting with the EU countries is a complicated issue. President Obama will try to persuade the EU to impose sanctions against Russia, but he can hardly do this. European nations don’t want to be an instrument in the hands of the US, paying for this with sanctions against Russia.

It’s hard to imagine that Europe will begin an economic fight against Russia, Natalia Kalinina, the Institute of World Economy and International Relations analyst, says.

“Today’s world economy is interrelated, so any wrong decision can destroy the system. That’s why talks about sanctions won’t end with any actions. In fact, the US is trying to put pressure upon the EU, but the latter will keep its economic relations with Russia.

There would be no Obama’s visits, if the US hadn’t failed to fulfill its “Ukrainian scenario”, European media says. There have been no EU-US conferences under the rule of President Obama. European countries became enraged after they found out that the US National Security Agency had used wiretapping against the EU officials. Obama refused to sign an agreement that would guarantee the disuse of such tools. If there was no conflict in Ukraine, Obama would face a numerous accusations from the part of the EU. The White House hopes that Ukrainian crisis, provoked with the help of the US, will help to overshadow Europeans’ discontent.

“If the Ukrainian crisis hadn’t occurred, President Obama would have held another type of conference with the EU,” Heather Conley, Head of European projects at the Washington Center for strategic and internationals studies, says. Ukrainian issue discussions are to “smooth things over in the EU-US relations, but they won’t help to abandon the problems”.

Nowadays, European media prefers to stick to anti-Russian rhetoric. However, the public opinion is changing. Today, the Independent published an article of Sir Tony Brenton, former British ambassador in Russia. He can hardly be called a “supporter of Russia”. Ex-ambassador proposes to recognize the Crimea’s integration with Russia.

In this article Brenton enumerates all real as well as pretended reasons of Russian complaints against the West – NATO extension to the East, support of Chechen separatists, Russophobe former president of Georgia Mikheil Saakashvili and semi-fascist government in Kiev. He proposes not to threaten Russia with sanctions and isolation, but to resume a dialogue.

Russia is ready for such a dialogue, Vilen Ivanov, councilor of Russian Academy of Sciences, says. The fact that Russia doesn’t response on the US bank sanctions is the proof of this intention.

“The fact that Russia doesn’t impose reciprocal sanctions means that Russian government acts wisely as this step couldn’t ameliorate the international relations. It might also show that Russia regards sanctions seriously.”

Without considering Russian interests and concerns, there would be no Ukrainian crisis settlement, Vilen Ivanov says. The US is better to listen to Brenton’s opinion, because the US rarely listens to such statements from the country’s most devoted partner in Europe.

“Though the West has managed to unite in imposing minor sanctions, it can hardly do the same with major sanctions, which would hit our own economies. Ukraine, even without the Crimea, is so closely connected to Russia that it would never gain prosperity without Moscow”.

“While not imposing reciprocal sanctions against the EU and the US, Russia shows its readiness to begin a dialogue. European ministers, especially Britain’s PM, should come to meet Russia. Western officials should take into account real concerns of Russia about the fact that the West is about to swallow Ukraine.”

Reprinted from The Voice of Russia.

Ron Paul Is Right About Crimea

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Ron Paul Is Right About Crimea

By Justin Raimondo

Antiwar.Com

The libertarian movement has always been a contentious arena: that’s the nature of the beast. After all, we’re talking about libertariansindividualists to a fault: getting them to agree on anything is often like trying to herd cats. Aside from this question of temperament, however, there have been some very substantial ideological differences over the years, and – not surprisingly – many of these internal conflicts have been over US foreign policy.

That’s because it’s relatively easy to ascertain the libertarian position on matters domestic: government spying on our emails? We’re against it. Higher taxes? We’re against all taxes, period. The National Endowment for the Arts? Abolish it.

Easy stuff. But when it comes to foreign policy – where historical context and knowledge of facts on the ground are decisive factors – it gets more complicated. And not all are up to the task: certainly Alexander McCobin, unelected “President” of Students for Liberty (SFL), isn’t. His article for the Panam Post, entitled “Ron Paul is Wrong When He Speaks About Secession and Crimea,” is an amalgam of misinformation and smears.

After waffling on about how libertarians have to be against “unnecessary wars” (although he doesn’t say which ones are or were necessary), and paying lip service to the idea that “our generation” has a “critical attitude toward foreign intervention” (only “critical”?), he finally gets to the point:

“While it’s important criticize misconduct of the United States and some of its Western allies exacerbating the turmoil in the Middle East over the past two decades, it is also important to remember that there are other aggressors in the world; Russia – with its ongoing wars in the Northern Caucasus, the invasion of South Ossetia, and it’s most recent annexation of Crimea – being key among them.

“Former Congressman Ron Paul, whose views are interpreted by many as wholly representative of the libertarian movement, gets it wrong when he speaks of Crimea’s right to secede. Make no mistake about it, Crimea was annexed by Russian military force at gunpoint and its supposedly democratic ‘referendum’ was a farce. Besides a suspiciously high voter turnout without legitimate international observers, the referendum gave Crimeans only two choices – join Russia now or later.”

McCobin is wrong about South Ossetia: like the Crimeans, the Ossetians held a referendum and voted to separate from Georgia’s central government. In response, Georgia invaded the region, sending in its troops before the Russians ever got there. They bombarded Tsinskvali, capital of the rebel province, deliberately targeting civilians, killing and wounding hundreds. According to Human Rights Watch, Georgian artillery fired directly into basements – where civilians were sure to be hiding. As the BBC put it:

“The BBC has discovered evidence that Georgia may have committed war crimes in its attack on its breakaway region of South Ossetia in August. Eyewitnesses have described how its tanks fired directly into an apartment block, and how civilians were shot at as they tried to escape the fighting.”

McCobin hasn’t even bothered to do the most basic research: he’s simply swallowed the new cold war mythology whole. It’s easier that way.

As “evidence” for his contention that the Crimean referendum was invalid, he links to a piece by David L. Phillips, Director of the “Program on Peace-building and Rights” at Columbia University’s Institute for the Study of Human Rights,” and Carina Perelli, formerly head of the UN’s Electoral Assistance Division. Absurdly, the authors aver:

When a referendum is properly conducted, both winners and losers accept the outcome. However chastened, losers resign themselves to defeat because of guarantees that their rights will be preserved through constitutional and other means.”

 

By this standard, the Ukrainian “revolution” is invalid: Viktor Yanukovich, you’ll recall, was elected to the office of President, but the opposition didn’t resign themselves to defeat: instead, they turned to the US government, which funded and encouraged a rebellion that soon turned violent. Snipers shooting at protesters and police were later identified by the Estonian Foreign Minister as being aligned with the coup leaders, who wanted a pretext to blame the government and take power themselves. Armed ultra-nationalist groups – including a fair proportion of neo-Nazisstormed government buildings, and the opposition took power in a coup.

Oh, but Crimea’s referendum, organized by the elected Parliament, is “invalid.”

It’s not too surprising, however, that the authors of that Huffington Post piece McCobin links to would take such a counterintuitive stance: after all, the Institute for the Study of Human Rights is taking in scads of US government money from USAID – and the less said about the UN’s “Electoral Assistance Division” the better. Phillips and Perelli had better take Washington’s side if they know what’s good for them. If not, they’d soon find themselves out of a job.

What I want to know is: what’s Alexander McCobin’s excuse?

Ignorance? Only partially, I think, because he goes on to write:

“It’s much too simplistic to solely condemn the United States for any kind of geopolitical instability in the world. Non-interventionists who sympathize with Russia by condoning Crimea’s secession and blaming the West for the Ukrainian crisis fail to see the larger picture. Putin’s government is one of the least free in the world and is clearly the aggressor in Crimea, as it was even beforehand with its support of the Yanukovych regime that shot and tortured its own citizens on the streets of Kyiv.”

The oily conflation of supporting secession – which every authentic libertarian supports, everywhere, as a matter of high principle – with “non-interventionists who sympathize with Russia” is a typical neocon ploy. They did it during the Iraq war: by opposing US intervention, we were “supporting Saddam.” By “condoning” the right of the Crimean people to national self-determination, we “sympathize with Russia.” McCobin has been taking lessons in the Washington Free Beacon-Buzzfeed school of “journalism” – the two neocon outlets that, that coincidentally, eagerly took up this “story” of a “libertarian split” over Ukraine.

This isn’t a matter of being misinformed: McCobin is simply lying when he accuses the Yanukovich government of torture and murder. No one knows who employed those snipers, although the Estonian Foreign Minister clearly has his suspicions. And Ukraine is no more free than Russia: with no less than eight neo-Nazis holding high positions – including chief of the national police – in the unelected “interim government,” one could make a good argument that today it is far less free. While Hillary Clinton inanely likened Putin to Hitler, the reality is that one of the three top leaders of the coup belongs to a party that sided with the Nazis in World War II and actively participated in the Holocaust. The “muscle” that enabled the coup leaders to take over government buildings was supplied by “Right Sector,” an openly anti-Semitic pro-Nazi gang of skinheads.

Is this the movement the “libertarian” McCobin supports?

Oh, those anti-American libertarians like Ron Paul are always “blaming the West” – we’re Blame America Firsters, that’s the neocon line that McCobin would have us swallow. One of many problems with this tired argument is that there’s no such thing as “the West,” unless you’re talking about the entire population of Western Europe and North America. Libertarians blame the governmentsof those countries, which have intervened, using both hard and “soft” power, all over the world: Ukraine is no exception. The so-called Orange Revolution was financed, produced, and directed by those masters of the narrative in Washington, D.C., who messed up the country so badly that it turned to the loutish Yanukovich and threw the Orange Revolutionaries out in a free and fair election.

This is what McCobin and his fellow neocons-in-”libertarian”-clothing really hate about Ron Paul: he calls out Washington’s moral responsibility for a good deal of the misery and slaughter in the world, and rightly so. With the mightiest military machine on earth, “defense” expenditures totaling more than the top ten spenders combined, and a network of bases, protectorates, and client states larger than any rival by several degrees of magnitude, the warlords of Washington have taken every opportunity to extend the frontiers of their empire. And they don’t always do it by military means.

Ukraine is an example of conquest-by-subversion, as were the other “color revolutions” funded and directed by Washington in Georgia, Serbia, Kyrgyzstan, and elsewhere. Here is a partial list of the various Ukrainian drains US taxpayer dollars have been poured down. The level of US government involvement is so intense that we have Victoria Nuland telling the Ukrainians who they can and cannot have in their new “government.” What if the Russian government took an equally intense interest in our elections – would Students for Liberty think Putin is taking too many liberties with our internal affairs?

I’ve saved the worst for last, the part where McCobin issues a warning: “Everyone,” he writes, “should be very careful with showing sympathies to an autocratic leader such as President Putin.”

Yes, be careful, you guys, because the Free Beacon and Rosie Gray are watching you! You could be outed as a commie-lovin’ Putin-lovin’ KGB-lovin’ agent of a foreign power.

Be careful opposing US foreign policy, because you’ll be labeled a Russia-lovin’ traitor – just like that turncoat Ed Snowden.

That, of course, is what this new cold war is all about. Or is it just a coincidence that the Red Dawning of Washington is occurring as Snowden’s revelations of US government spying are ongoing? Snowden’s name never comes up in McCobin’s screed, not even to remark in irony that this libertarian hero has been given asylum by a government that is “one of the least free in the world.”

I did find some mention of Snowden on the Students for Liberty web site, however, including this piece describing an interview with the head of SFL’s European division – a televised segment on “Russia Today,” the Putin government’s state-owned station.

I, for one, have a policy of not appearing on any state-run propaganda media outlet, including not only Russia Today, but Voice of America, Al Jazeera, and any other government-funded venue. That doesn’t mean I hold it against the European SFL for taking the opportunity to spread their message: but I refuse to be threatened by the SFL about how I have to be “careful” lest I’m guilty of “showing sympathies” for the “autocrat” Putin when SFL is being given a platform by that very same “autocrat.”

So why were the Free Beacon, Buzzfeed, and Dave Weigel all over this ginned up brouhaha? Because of McCobin’s parting slime-ball:

“In contrast to his father, Senator Rand Paul gets it right by condemning Russian aggression while not subscribing to hawkish calls for military intervention at the same time. It is one thing to not intervene; it is another thing to applaud an autocrat for the sake of blaming our own government.”

This is laughable. As Jonathan Chait noted, Rand Paul’s boilerplate “get tough” rhetoric didn’t quite match his concrete proposal, which was to cut off all aid to Ukraine. Rand also warned against “tweaking Putin” after the coup leaders seized power. So there is no policy split between father and son: as both Rand and Ron have said, it’s a difference not of substance but of style. Yet they also have different goals: Ron set out to educate the public so that someone like Rand could actually get elected President.

The neocons won’t be happy until and unless Rand Paul commits the political equivalent of patricide – and makes the catastrophic mistake of cutting himself off from his national political base. They are absolutely terrified that the junior Senator from Kentucky is now the acknowledged frontrunner in the race for the 2016 GOP presidential nomination, and they’ve just begun their work. They naturally picked as their first target the soft underbelly of the campaign – the libertarian movement itself, which is split into the real grassroots movement expanded and renewed by Ron Paul, and the astro-turf creation of the Koch brothers, Charles and David Koch, of which SFL is one of many appendages.

The actual grassroots libertarian youth group – with a real membership of over 7,000 – is Young Americans for Liberty, founded by Ron Paul’s organization. YAL now has over 500 college and high school chapters. They are wisely staying out of this neocon-engineered ambush.

McCobin, on the other hand, represents nothing and no one – not even his own organization. Indeed, his foreign policy views are way out of the libertarian mainstream, if I may be permitted to utter such a phrase. In a piece for “Cato Unbound” attacking what he called a “libertarian purity test,’ he averred:

“While many libertarians opposed the invasion of Iraq, Randy Barnett wrote a strong, libertarian defense of pre-emptive intervention. While libertarians agree on things like the need for minimal government, there are many open debates on the specific policy prescriptions a minimal government would entail.”

Those libertarians, like Ron Bailey and Brink Lindsey, who supported the invasion and occupation of Iraq have long since penned their mea culpas. The issue is settled within the libertarian movement – except for Alexander McCobin. So who is this guy, anyway? He’s the “president” of a Koch front group with lots of money and very few activist members who had “come to Washington on a Charles Koch Institute fellowship,” according to Dave Weigel. The Kochs, in spite of their popular reputation, have long since given up pushing a libertarian agenda; and foreign policy is the very least of their concerns. They never gave Ron Paul a dime, and their paid minions trash-talked him at every opportunity.

When the Campaign for Liberty, the Paul organization, founded a youth group the Kochtopus quickly jumped in with SFL – which never amounted to any real competition because it concentrated mainly on staging a series of expensive conferences, with generous scholarships and students flown in from all over the world. Like all Koch Astroturf outfits, this one is run from the top, and while there’s plenty of debate – indeed, SFL is little more than a debating society – there’s less democracy than in Putin’s Russia, which at least goes through the motions of holding elections.

In response to inquiries over Twitter, SFL tweeted that McCobin’s statement was “just a statement by individuals,” and – incredibly – that “SFL doesn’t have an official stance on foreign policy.” Yet every story covering this episode headlined the alleged “libertarian split” over Ukraine.

Of course there is no such split. We American libertarians know who and what is the main danger to peace and freedom in this world, and it sure isn’t the leader of a has-been semi-Third World backwater like Russia.

For a group with no “official stance” on foreign policy, the SFL web site has a lot of gosh wow puff pieces prettifying the Ukrainian coup. And they’re hot on the Venezuelan opposition, too: indeed, they have a list of articles on both countries on the same page. What do these two nations have in common? They’re both being overrun by the American Regime-Change Machine, and SFL is cheerleading the effort – “unofficially,’ of course.

While SFL doesn’t have a lot of actual functioning chapters, and consists mainly of a self-appointed leadership fueled by plenty of Koch money, it does indeed have some actual grassroots members and one has to wonder what they think – and whether they were even consulted. How do they feel about being fed a line that is identical in all respects to the one being taken by the Obama administration – and the Weekly Standard? How do they feel about the President of their organization going public with the accusation that Ron Paul is “applauding an autocrat” – because he supposedly hates America?

In McCobin’s world, if you support the right of the Crimeans to vote on their own future you are ‘applauding an autocrat for the sake of blaming your own government.” After all, being a libertarian, you probably hate your own government – because you hate all governments, now isn’t that right? Even to the extent of going over to The Enemy, whoever that may be at the moment: Saddam Hussein, Vladimir Putin, or the Devil himself.

Yes, you’re a traitor, that’s what you are – just like Edward Snowden.

NOTES IN THE MARGIN

You can check out my Twitter feed by going here. But please note that my tweets are sometimes deliberately provocative, often made in jest, and largely consist of me thinking out loud.

I’ve written a couple of books, which you might want to peruse. Here is the link for buying the second edition of my 1993 book, Reclaiming the American Right: The Lost Legacy of the Conservative Movement, with an Introduction by Prof. George W. Carey, a Foreword by Patrick J. Buchanan, and critical essays by Scott Richert and David Gordon (ISI Books, 2008).

You can buy An Enemy of the State: The Life of Murray N. Rothbard(Prometheus Books, 2000), my biography of the great libertarian thinker, here.

Read more by Justin Raimondo

Petition of Alaska joining Russia polls over 25,000 votes

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Petition of Alaska joining Russia polls over 25,000 votes

The petition of Alaska joining Russia posted on the White House’s website on March 21 has polled over 25,000 votes in its support. For the US authorities to formally respond to the petition this appeal should win at least 100,000 supporters by April 20.
 
The petition urges Alaska to separate from the US and join Russia. The message points out that residents of Siberia got across the Bering Straits to Alaska in ancient times.
 
You will recall Russian Ambassador to the European Union Vladimir Chizhov’s joke that Senator McCain should watch over Alaska. This happened on March 22 during the BBC’s Andrew Marr Show where the key issue was the crisis in the Ukraine.
 
A petition entitled "Alaska Back to Russia" has been placed on the US administration's website and has gathered over 14 thousand signatures in three days. All that despite the fact that that document vanished from the open list of appeals – although the first 150 signatures made it available for voting.
 
Some experts point out that one should not talk about any tendency for separatism in the US, but one should not take such petitions as a joke either. The authors of the petition – similar to other petitions for the secession of some other US states – are trying to remind the White House about the basis of the state, and specifically about the Declaration of Independence.
 
A resident of Anchorage, the largest city in the state of Alaska, published his petition a couple of days after Crimea seceded from Ukraine and rejoined Russia. To support his petition he cites the following historic facts: the first Europeans that put their foot on the land of Alaska in 1732 were the crew of the Saint Gabriel vessel, captained by Makhail Gvozdev and Ivan Fedorov. In conclusion the author calls for "seceding Alaska from the US to rejoin Russia".

samedi, 29 mars 2014

2,1 miljoen Venetianen stemmen voor afscheiding van Italië

2,1 miljoen Venetianen stemmen voor afscheiding van Italië

Veneto kan jaarlijks € 20 miljard uitsparen die nu verdwijnt naar corrupt Zuid Italië


Ruim de helft van het aantal kiezers in Veneto, waar Venetië de hoofdstad van is, wil zich afscheiden van Italië en de EU.

Grotendeels genegeerd door de Europese reguliere media is er de afgelopen week een referendum in Veneto, de Italiaanse regio met Venetië als hoofdstad, gehouden. Onderwerp: onafhankelijkheid van Italië en daarmee de EU, of niet? 2,1 miljoen Venetianen, maar liefst 90% van de deelnemers, stemden vóór de afscheiding en het stoppen van het sluizen van belastinggeld naar Rome. Terwijl de EU met zeer bedenkelijke kunstgrepen oostwaarts probeert uit te breiden, wordt in diverse lidstaten de roep om los te breken uit de wurgende greep van Brussel almaar sterker.

Het online gehouden referendum was onofficieel, omdat het niet werd georganiseerd door de overheid, maar door een private partij. Gianluca Busato, de initiatiefnemer, hoopt nu dat er nu ook een officieel referendum komt over de afscheiding van Veneto van Italië.

‘Geen cent belasting meer naar Rome’

‘Als de meerderheid van de burgers deelneemt en dan ‘ja’ stemt, zullen we onmiddellijk een totale belastingafdrachtstop invoeren. Tijdens de aanvankelijke overgangsperiode zullen we geen cent belastinggeld aan de Italiaanse staat betalen,’ zei Busato, woordvoerder van het platform Plebiscito.eu, tegen het Wirtschaftsblatt.

‘Wij hebben het niet over een gewelddadige machtsovername, maar de mensen zullen de soevereiniteit over hun portemonnee hebben,’ aldus Busato. De Venetianen hopen hun welvaart te behouden en verhogen in een samenleving, die dan niet langer de last van het corrupte zuiden van Italië hoeft te dragen.

Besparing jaarlijks € 20 miljard

Volgens berekeningen van de populaire partij Lega Nord (de Italiaanse PVV), dat eveneens streeft naar afscheiding van Italië, kan Veneto met de onafhankelijkheid jaarlijks minstens € 20 miljard euro uitsparen. De organisatoren van het online referendum lieten zich inspireren door de afscheidingscampagnes in Schotland en de Spaanse regio Catalonië. (1) Ook in Baskenland, Bayern, Trentino (Zuid Tirol) en andere regio’s winnen afscheidingsbewegingen aan kracht.

Front National

In Frankrijk worden vandaag net als afgelopen woensdag in Nederland gemeenteraadsverkiezingen gehouden. De socialist Francois Hollande, de meest impopulaire president die het land ooit heeft gehad, zal volgens prognoses veel stemmen kwijtraken aan het Front National van Marine Le Pen, dat net als de PVV en de Britse UKIP van Nigel Farrage strijdt tegen de macht van Brussel. (2)

Oekraïne als afleiding

Het is niet ondenkbaar dat de EU het conflict in Oekraïne doelbewust aangrijpt om de aandacht van de Europeanen af te leiden van de grotendeels door het beleid van Brussel veroorzaakte aanhoudende economische en financiële crisis, en daardoor de dreigende interne verkruimeling en scheuring van de Unie.

Xander

(1) Deutsche Wirtschafts Nachrichten
(2) Wirtschaftsblatt

Entrevue du C.N.C par l'Association Culturelle Zenit

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Entrevue du C.N.C par l'Association Culturelle Zenit (Italie/Belgique)

Ex: http://cerclenonconforme.hautetfort.com

Après avoir interviewé des associations à travers l'Europe, l'Association Culturelle Zenit, basée à Rome, nous a fait l'honneur de nous interroger pour la France sur divers sujets d'actualité. Nous espérons que cette entrevue sera l'occasion pour notre lectorat de mieux nous connaître.

ZENIT:

1.Un grand merci à Jean pour avoir accepté de répondre à notre interview. Peux-tu nous expliquer en quelques mots quel est le but du "CERCLE NON CONFORME"?

Jean/CNC: Le Cercle Non Conforme est une association culturelle française rattachée au Mouvement d’Action Sociale. Nos activités sont à la fois ancrées dans le réel car nous organisons des conférences, participons à des rassemblements et organisons des activités culturelles, mais elles sont aussi très présentes sur internet où nous tenons un blog avec des chroniques de livres, de films, d’albums et aussi des articles de réflexion. Nous sommes aussi liés à la radio Méridien Zéro.

Le but du CNC est d’apporter une réflexion autant sur le milieu nationaliste français que sur la société et le monde actuels, nous sommes donc dans une perspective non conforme à la fois vis-à-vis de notre milieu d’origine (le nationalisme) et vis-à-vis de la société qui rejette en partie nos idées.

Nous sommes assez influencés par le renouveau militant italien, nous avons voyagé en Italie au sein de différentes sections de Casapound (Rome, Vérone, Bolzano) et nous avons également un esprit assez proche du blog d’avant-garde Zentropa puisque nous puisons nos références partout.

2.Depuis toujours l'Europe de l'Est est une vrai poudrière à ciel ouvert, qui peut exploser à tout moment; les différents peuples du bloc de l'Est se battent pour défendre leur identité ainsi que leur souveraineté. Quelle est selon vous la solution face à ce problème? Peut-on espérer voir un jour naître une coalition  entre ces différents pays afin de donner vie à l'Europe des peuples dont nous rêvons tant?

La situation en Europe de l’est, et en Ukraine en particulier, est très complexe. En France elle a été l’occasion de débats houleux. En effet deux visions s‘affrontent schématiquement. Une vision assez identitaire qui considère que les peuples sont maîtres chez eux et qu’ils ont un droit à se gouverner eux-mêmes sur leur terre. Et puis il y a une vision géopolitique, structurée autour des intérêts de différentes puissances qui défendent des modèles opposés.

Nous partons tous du constat que les Etats-Unis sont un vrai problème pour l’Europe et pour l’équilibre mondial. Mais si dans le cas de la Syrie, nous avons tous défendu peu ou prou la même ligne, celui de l’Ukraine a causé des divisions fortes. Dans les deux cas, beaucoup de militants ont nourri l’espoir, surement naïf, que la renaissance de l’Europe se fasse par l’est.

Il semble que la troisième voie soit difficile à développer car tout le monde n’appréhende pas le réel de la même façon. Pour nous l’idéal serait une Ukraine nationaliste qui signerait des partenariats avec la Russie sur un pied d’égalité, mais les deux partis le veulent-ils ? Les Russes considèrent l’Ukraine comme une « petite Russie » qui doit leur être inféodée et les Ukrainiens perçoivent les Russes comme une puissance impérialiste néfaste. Nous avons connu ce problème en Europe, quoique différemment, dans l’opposition entre la France et l’Allemagne. Tout cela n’a conduit qu’à des guerres, à la désolation et à la décadence de l’Europe. Et surtout : le règne des Etats-Unis.
Il faut donc marteler que notre ennemi numéro 1, ce sont les Etats-Unis, cette anti-Europe. Pour cela il faut aussi généraliser les échanges entre nationalistes de toute l’Europe. Pour notre part nous côtoyons surtout les belges et les italiens. Peut-être faudrait-il aussi engager plus de liens avec les Allemands qui sont une puissance complémentaire de la France et dont les méthodes militantes évoluent également fortement en raison de la répression. Nous avons tous à apprendre les uns des autres. Nous sommes peut-être à un tournant historique, où, débarrassés de tout esprit revanchard, de l’irrédentisme et face à des ennemis communs, nous pouvons enfin discuter sur un pied d’égalité pour construire l’Europe de demain.

3.Ces derniers mois nous avons assisté à des manifestations populaires dans certaines villes de France, notamment à Nantes ou en Bretagne avec les "bonnets rouges", sans oublier les manifestations contre le "mariage pour tous", peut-on parler d'une "renaissance du nationalisme" en France?

La France connaît effectivement une forte agitation politique. Manifestations contre le mariage homosexuel, pour la défense de la famille, mais aussi émeutes menées par l’extrême-gauche à Nantes, jacqueries contre les taxes en Bretagne, etc… mais il faut être prudent sur la « renaissance du nationalisme ». Le nationalisme français est plutôt en crise et cherche aujourd’hui un chemin. Il faudrait même s’entendre sur ce qu’on appelle « nationalisme »…
La plupart des mouvements, malgré une sympathie mutuelle, ont souvent des positions très différentes sur de nombreux sujets : le régime politique, l’économie, l’identité, la religion, l’Europe, etc…

Le mariage homosexuel est un thème très conservateur, alors que d’autres sujets devraient mobiliser des millions de français : le chômage, l’esclavage par la dette, l’immigration de masse, l’Union européenne.

Cependant, les dernières manifestations ont permis à certains nationalistes de revenir au contact de la population dont ils étaient souvent coupés. C’est le principal effet positif des manifestations contre la mariage homosexuel, cela a permis à des gens différents de se parler, de se connaître et désormais d’opérer peu à peu une jonction des luttes.
Mais les Français ont encore pour beaucoup peur du nationalisme, car on leur a martelé que le nationalisme c’est la guerre, la dictature, etc… Il y a encore un gros travail à faire pour que le nationalisme soit perçu de façon positive pour nos compatriotes. Pour cela il faut surement redéfinir la doctrine du nationalisme du XXI eme siècle. C’est pour cela que nous puisons dans des références diverses et que nous cherchons à analyser le monde dans lequel nous vivons sans aucune nostalgie.

Par ailleurs il existe deux tendances très fortes aujourd’hui en France, une « union des droites », patriote et conservatrice, qui est libérale sur le plan économique et une autre voie issue de l’extrême-gauche, dite « dissidente », qui prône l’unité, sans clivage ethnique, religieux ou de parti contre l’oligarchie euro-mondialiste mais qui ne peut nous satisfaire sur la question identitaire.

Pour notre part nous sommes encore une fois porteur d’une troisième voie, à la fois sociale et nationale, ferme sur les principes mais tournés vers l’avenir. Il faut répondre aux préoccupations de son peuple sans pour autant se trahir.

4.Que pensez-vous de François Hollande comme président de la République?

D’abord une précision pour les italiens qui ne connaissent pas forcément le système politique français : la France est un régime dit « présidentiel » c'est-à-dire que nous votons pour le président, qui nomme ensuite son gouvernement. Mais nous votons aussi pour les députés qui définissent alors la majorité à l’Assemblée Nationale. En France, François Hollande est au PS, l’Assemblée Nationale est majoritairement PS donc le gouvernement nommé par le président et son premier ministre sont PS.

Hollande est emblématique de l’arnaque démocratique. Rapportées au nombre de Français, les voix obtenues à la présidentielle représentent à peine un quart de la population. La côte de popularité du président est très faible, environ 15%, autant dire que sa légitimité est nulle. Les différents projets fiscaux ou vis-à-vis de la famille, la montée du chômage et de l’insécurité contribuent à nuire à sa côte de popularité. Ainsi de nombreux français ont lancé une offensive politique contre le président Hollande, certains allant même jusqu’à demander sa destitution.


Pour notre part nous sommes assez méfiants. Perdre un président social-démocrate pour un président de « droite » n’a aucun intérêt, d’ailleurs la droite française a fait beaucoup plus de mal à notre pays que la gauche. La droite a beaucoup plus favorisé l’immigration que la gauche, contrairement à une idée reçue, et c’est assez logique, la droite est le parti du MEDEF (syndicat des patrons). Quant à la gauche, après avoir permis à la classe ouvrière de consommer grâce à l’augmentation des salaires et aux congés payés, elle prépare aujourd’hui la France multi-culturelle, mais in fine tout ça sert les intérêts du capitalisme. C’est donc un système.

Cependant, Hollande n’est pas pire que son prédécesseur, la France n’est pas souveraine, elle applique les diktats de l’UE, ceux de la banque mondiale ou d’autres officines mondialistes, ce sont des détails techniques qui vont changer entre Hollande (la gauche) ou la droite : untel va préférer taxer tel produit, alors que l’autre taxera tel autre produit. Tout ça n’est qu’une mascarade.

C’est l’oligarchie euro-mondialiste qu’il faut dénoncer, dont François Hollande n’est que le valet servile. Demain ce sera un autre et rien ne changera. Et puis peut-être qu’un jour, on ne nous demandera plus notre avis, c’est bien ce que vous avez connu en Italie avec Mario Monti…


5.Dans quelques mois auront lieu les élections pour le parlement européen, beaucoup craignent de voir une  montée en flèche des partis nationalistes qui n'ont jamais caché leur "euroscepticisme"; d'ailleurs le F.N de Marine Le Pen en a fait son cheval de bataille. Selon vous à quoi faut-il s'attendre lors de ces élections? Que pensez-vous de Marine Le Pen?

Le FN est un parti assez unique en son genre. Il a plus un discours « souverainiste » que véritablement nationaliste. Ce n’est pas non plus un parti libéral comme ceux existant en Europe du nord. Le FN de Marine Le Pen a progressé sur certains points : la question sociale, la dénonciation de la finance, de l’UE et la géopolitique. Tout ça est positif. En revanche son discours s’est amollit sur la question identitaire. L’immigration, qui était un thème central auparavant n’est plus vraiment abordée. Alors certes on ne peut pas tout résumer à l’immigration, mais la question n’a jamais été aussi brûlante, avec les hordes qui déferlent en Espagne et en Italie et deux milliards d’africains à l’horizon 2050 dont beaucoup chercheront l’eldorado.

Nous trouvons assez positif que le FN fasse des scores élevés, car cela pose problème à l’oligarchie qui perd du terrain, des postes et dont le discours est de plus en plus contesté. En revanche le FN traduit aussi un aspect inquiétant de la situation française : cette foi quasi religieuse dans le vote, la déresponsabilisation des citoyens et la cécité face à la gabegie. Malgré la corruption, les scandales sexuels et financiers, l’insécurité, l’immigration de masse, les diktats de l’UE, la destruction de l’environnement, l’inféodation à la politique des Etats-Unis, la réduction de nos libertés, l’esclavage de la dette, le chômage, etc… le FN n’est crédité « que » de 25% des intentions de vote. Il y a donc encore 75% des électeurs qui considèrent qu’il vaut mieux voter pour tous les autres. Et je trouve ça assez inquiétant. Alors certes ce score est important vu de l’étranger, mais que vous fassiez 1% ou 25%, vous n’obtenez rien de plus car les modes de scrutin sont défavorables au FN.

Pour les élections européennes, je pense qu’il y aura une montée des mouvements « populistes », mais est-elle de nature à infléchir le cours des choses ? Difficile à dire.

Un sursaut des consciences est urgent, car bien que j’aie foi en notre victoire finale, chaque jour qui passe empire encore plus la situation. Nous pensons de fait qu’il faut structurer un mouvement capable de gérer la crise majeure qui interviendra tôt ou tard.

Un grand merci à nos amis du « CERCLE NON CONFORME » pour  votre collaboration. Nos chemins se recroiseront très certainement.

ZENIT/CNC

Entrevue publiée sur le site de l'Associazione Culturale Zenit en italien le 17/03/2014

Note du C.N.C: L'entrevue a été réalisée début mars par l'Association Culturelle Zenit de Rome puis traduite par Zenit Belgique. Nous remercions les camarades italiens et belges pour leur initiative et leur soutien. Nous organisons une conférence avec l'association Zenit le 5 avril 2014 dans la métropole lilloise.

Rusia, Crimea y un baño de Realpolitik

por Santiago Pérez 

Ex: http://paginatransversal.wordpress.com

Ultrarrealismo en la crisis ucraniana y en la política internacional de hoy.

La caída de Víktor Fédorovich Yanukovich al frente del gobierno ucraniano generó movimientos en la estructura de poder de la más alta política internacional. Con su alejamiento, Moscú perdió un confiable aliado, quien protegía sus intereses y mantenía al país del este europeo bajo la esfera de influencia del Kremlin. El asenso de Oleksandr Turchínov a la presidencia y su intención de acercamiento a occidente dispararon, en forma virtualmente automática, los mecanicemos de defensa rusos.

No quedan dudas que el proceso interno ucraniano se vio de alguna forma influenciado desde el exterior. Se trata de un país estratégico tanto para la Unión Europea como para la OTAN y la Federación Rusa, tres poderosos actores que, como es de esperar, mueven sus piezas dentro el tablero geopolítico mundial. Pero, al mismo tiempo, sería impreciso adjudicar en forma excluyente a estos jugadores la crisis interna del país. Las diferencias culturales que conviven en el seno de la sociedad ucraniana han alimentado innegablemente las tensiones. En Ucrania hay quienes desean acercarse a occidente y hay quienes desean acercarse a Rusia, elementos suficientes para generar un conflicto, más allá de lo que hagan o dejen de hacer las potencias extranjeras. En definitiva, el fin del gobierno de Yanukovich puede definirse como un fenómeno multicausal, impulsado por fuerzas tanto internas como externas.

Pero más allá de las idas y vueltas de la sociedad ucraniana, el hecho relevante de esta crisis para el análisis de la política internacional es la rapidez, efectividad y contundencia con la que ha operado el Kremlin. Sin prestar mayor atención al derecho internacional (como es esperable de cualquier gran potencia) y a pocas horas del cambio de gobierno en Kiev, fuerzas especiales rusas “ocuparon” en una acción unilateral la estratégica península de Crimea. La relevancia de la cruzada para el equilibrio político regional ha colocado a ucranianos y rusos en el centro de la escena global. Todos los actores de peso dentro del sistema internacional están hoy con la mirada depositada en Crimea.

¿Ha actuado Moscú dentro de la legalidad? ¿Es este accionar legítimo? Desafortunadamente estas son preguntas que poco importan al momento de leer el escenario en cuestión. La anarquía del sistema internacional y la lógica ultrarrealista de Vladimir Putin han permitido que, de facto, sea Rusia quien ejerza la soberanía sobre Crimea. Los reclamos de occidente y del flamante gobierno ucraniano difícilmente puedan superar la etapa retórica o argumentativa. No hay nada que hacer para la Unión Europea, Estados Unidos, el G7 o la mismísima OTAN: los rusos han desembarcado y no se apartarán. La defensa de la base naval de Sebastopol es un tema demasiado delicado para los intereses geoestratégicos de Moscú como para colocarlo sobre la mesa de negociaciones. La única forma de desplazar a los rusos sería por la fuerza, pero los costos de intentar semejante acción transforman a esta alterativa en absolutamente inviable. Nadie en Washington (y posiblemente en ningún lugar del mundo) está pensando seriamente en una acción militar.

Al no ser reconocido ni por occidente ni por la propia Ucrania el referéndum celebrado en la península funciona principalmente como un elemento de presión política. En los hechos, Simferópol dejó de responder a Kiev inmediatamente después de la ocupación rusa, situación anterior a la votación que supuestamente aportó legitimidad y legalidad a la escisión. En otras palabras, con o sin referéndum, la anexión ya se había materializado.

Más allá de reconocerla diplomáticamente o no, las potencias occidentales acabarán por aceptar de hecho la soberanía rusa sobre Crimea y diseñarán sus estrategias de defensa en consecuencia. El statu quo regional se ajustará naturalmente a las nuevas circunstancias y las Relaciones Internacionales continuarán su curso.

Ya lo dijo el canciller ruso, Sergei Lavrov. “Crimea es más importante para Rusia que las Islas Malvinas/Falklands para Gran Bretaña”. Un mensaje conciso, de alto contenido político y emitido en el idioma que solo hablan las superpotencias. Cuando de intereses estratégicos se tarta, el poder (por sobre la legalidad) es lo único que realmente importa.

Fuente: Equilibrio Internacional

http://twitter.com/perez_santiago
http://facebook.com/lic.perezsantiago

Eurasisme, Alternative à l'hégémonie libérale

Eurasisme, Alternative à l'hégémonie libérale

 

Allein Deutschland könnte den Krieg verhindern

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Ex-Regierungsberater Paul Craig Roberts warnt vor US-geplanten III. Weltkrieg:

Allein Deutschland könnte den Krieg verhindern

Von Karl Müller
Ex: http://www.nrhz.de

Paul Craig Roberts gehört zu den namhaften und engagierten US-amerikanischen Kritikern des US-Kriegskurses der vergangenen mehr als 20 Jahre. Seine Kritik ist pointiert und unübersehbar. Er kennt die Regierungsarbeit in den USA als ehemaliger leitender Beamter in der US-Regierung aus nächster Nähe. Es gibt also keinen Grund, die Überlegungen von Paul Craig Roberts zu übergehen oder abzutun. Seine aktuelle Warnung vor einem US-geplanten Weltkrieg kann niemanden ruhen lassen. Und wenn er am Ende seines Artikels auf Deutschland zu sprechen kommt, dann muss sich auch jeder Deutsche angesprochen fühlen.

Die US-Regierung hat Deutschland seit mehr als 20 Jahren eine Rolle im Streben der USA nach Weltbeherrschung zugewiesen. Es ist richtig, dass sich die damalige US-Regierung unter Führung des Präsidenten George H. W. Bush viel stärker als zum Beispiel die britische oder französische Regierung für den Beitritt der DDR und damit für ein viel mächtigeres Deutschland an der Nahtstelle nach Osteuropa eingesetzt hat. Dass es aber gerade Condoleezza Rice war – Mitarbeiterin im Nationalen Sicherheitsrat bei George H. W. Bush und später dann Sicherheitsberaterin und Aussenministerin bei George W. Bush –, die ein sehr dickes Buch über den US-amerikanischen Beitrag zum mächtigeren Deutschland verfasst hat («Sternstunde der Diplomatie. Die deutsche Einheit und das Ende der Spaltung Europas», in deutscher Sprache 1997 erschienen), ist bezeichnend und ein Hinweis auf die lange Linie der letzten beiden Jahrzehnte.

Es ist eine seit Anfang der 90er Jahre gepflegte deutsche Illusion zu glauben, die US-Regierung hätte sich aus Liebe zu Deutschland und zu den Deutschen für die sogenannte «Wiedervereinigung» eingesetzt. Der tatsächliche Plan war schon damals, das «neue» Deutschland und eine EU unter der Führung dieses neuen Deutschlands als Speerspitze gegen Osteuropa und insbesondere gegen Russland einzusetzen, und das vor allem im Interesse der USA und letztlich auf Kosten Deutschlands und Europas. Wer dies nicht glauben mag, der lese das Kapitel über Russland im 1997 im Original erschienen Buch des US-Regierungsberaters Zbigniew Brzezinski, das den deutschen Titel «Die einzige Weltmacht. Amerikas Strategie der Vorherrschaft» trägt und interessanterweise mit einem Vorwort von Hans-Dierich Genscher versehen ist, also jenes ehemaligen deutschen Aussenministers, der jetzt wieder in die Schlagzeilen geraten ist, weil er «in stiller Diplomatie» seit mehr als 2 Jahren an der Freilassung desjenigen russischen Oligarchen gearbeitet haben soll, der Russlands Erdölreserven an US-amerikanische Konzerne ausverkaufen wollte und auch ansonsten mitnichten ein unbeschriebenes Blatt und keineswegs ein politischer Märtyrer ist, als der er in Deutschland stilisiert werden soll.
 
Dass nun schon seit geraumer Zeit die deutschen medialen Gehässigkeiten gegen Russland eine besonders bösartige Qualität erreicht haben, passt sehr gut zu dem, was Paul Craig Roberts schreibt und zur Rolle, die Deutschland zugedacht ist. Die massive antirussische Hetze in den deutschen Medien und von Seiten eines einflussreichen Teils der deutschen Eliten ist aber auch ein Hinweis darauf, dass es in Deutschland nach wie vor wichtige Gegenstimmen gibt, auch wenn diese sich derzeit nur wenig öffentliches Gehör verschaffen können. Dabei spielen ein Blick auf die Landkarte, wirtschaftliche Interessen aber auch geschichtliche Erfahrungen eine Rolle. Niemand in Deutschland darf vergessen, dass ein gegen Russland aggressives Deutschland beiden Ländern und Völkern unendlich viel Leid zugefügt hat. Im kollektiven Gedächtnis beider Völker wird dies noch verankert sein. Wer kann es verantworten, dass sich Geschichte eines Tages auf eine derart furchtbare Art und Weise wiederholt?
 
Paul Craig Roberts schreibt: «Allein Deutschland könnte die Welt vor Krieg bewahren und gleichzeitig seinen eigenen Interessen dienen.» Er hat Recht damit. Und er schreibt weiter: «Alles, was Deutschland zu tun hat, ist aus EU und Nato austreten. Die Allianz würde zusammenkrachen, und ihr Fall würde Washingtons hegemonistische Absichten ein für allemal beenden.» Auch hier hat er Recht. Aber das ist ein sehr grosser Schritt. Vielleicht würde es für den Augenblick schon reichen, alle «Verbündeten» in EU und Nato eindeutig wissen zu lassen, dass es für eine aggressive Politik gegen Russland hundertprozentig ein deutsches Veto geben wird. Ob das die deutsche Regierung von sich aus zu tun wagt, ist zweifelhaft. Aber wenn die Bürger Deutschlands deutlich machen, dass sie keinen Dritten Weltkrieg wollen; wenn sie deutlich machen, dass sie nur friedlich und für alle Seiten gedeihlich mit ihren nahen und fernen Nachbarn in Europa umgehen wollen; wenn es ein deutsches Crescendo gegen den Krieg und für den Frieden gibt – dann wird sich dem auch eine wankelmütige deutsche Politik nicht entziehen können und die von wem auch immer geführten Medien könnten mit ihrer Hetzkampagne einpacken. (PK)

Mehr Informationen unter  
Karl-Jürgen Müller ist Berufsschullehrer und Mitarbeiter der Redaktion Zeit-Fragen seit fast 20 Jahren, ist aktiv im Arbeitskreis Schule und Bildung in Baden-Württemberg, wohnt als deutscher Staatsbürger mit seiner Frau in der Schweiz. 

 

Gelekt gesprek op YouTube: Turken plannen false-flag aanslag om Syrië aan te vallen

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Gelekt gesprek op YouTube: Turken plannen false-flag aanslag om Syrië aan te vallen

De Turkse premier Erdogan probeert al sinds het begin van de Syrische crisis een voorwendsel voor een oorlog te creëren.

Uit een gelekt gesprek tussen hoge Turkse militaire- en politiek leiders blijkt dat de regering Erdogan een false-flag terreuraanslag wil plegen, die als voorwendsel moet dienen voor een aanval op Syrië. Het gelekte gesprek is op YouTube te beluisteren, wat dan ook de echte reden was waarom Erdogan onmiddellijk de toegang tot YouTube en Twitter in Turkije liet blokkeren.

Enkele passages uit het onthutsende gesprek:

Minister Ahmet Davutoglu: ‘De premier heeft gezegd dat deze aanval (op de Suleiman Sah Tombe) in de huidige samenloop van omstandigheden als een goede gelegenheid voor ons moet worden gezien.’

Hakan Fidan: ‘Ik stuur vier van mijn mannen uit Syrië, als dat voldoende is. Ik zet een reden voor een oorlog in scene door bevel te geven voor een raketaanval op Turkije. We kunnen ook een aanval op de Suleiman Shah Tombe voorbereiden, als dat nodig is.’

Feridun Sinirolu: ‘Onze nationale veiligheid is een ordinair en goedkoop binnenlands beleidsinstrument geworden.’

Yacar Güler: ‘Het is een directe reden voor oorlog. Ik bedoel, wat ze gaan doen is een directe reden voor oorlog.’

Feridun Sinirolu: ‘Er zijn een aantal grote veranderingen in de wereldwijde en regionale geopolitiek. Het kan zich nu naar andere plaatsen verspreiden... We krijgen nu een ander spel... ISIL (islamisten in de Levant) en al die organisaties zijn extreem gevoelig voor manipulatie. Als de regio bestaat uit vergelijkbare organisaties, houdt dat een vitaal veiligheidsrisico voor ons in. Toen wij als eerste Noord Irak binnen vielen, was er altijd het risico dat de (Koerdische) PKK de boel opblies... Als we de risico’s grondig overwegen en onderbouwen... zoals de generaal zojuist heeft gezegd...’

Yacar Güler: ‘Meneer... daar hebben we het net over gehad. Openlijk. Ik bedoel dat de gewapende strijdkrachten bij iedere verandering een noodzakelijk ‘werktuig’ voor u zijn.’

Davutoglu: ‘Natuurlijk. Bij uw afwezigheid zeg ik altijd tegen de premier... dat je in die gebieden niet zonder harde kracht kunt blijven. Zonder harde kracht kan er geen zachte kracht (diplomatie) zijn.’

Kortom: NAVO-lid Turkije zoekt naar alle waarschijnlijkheid met medeweten en instemming van de Amerikaanse regering Obama naar een excuus, een false-flag aanslag of operatie, om een oorlog tegen Syrië te beginnen.

Premier Erdogan noemde het lekken van de ‘vergadering over de nationale veiligheid’ op YouTube ‘oneerlijk’ en ‘schurkachtig’, en liet de toegang tot de videosite blokkeren.

Enkele dagen geleden zocht Turkije ook al een excuus voor een invasie door een Syrisch toestel neer te halen en vervolgens te hopen op een escalatie. De Syrische president Bashar Assad trapte daar echter niet in. Het lijkt echter een kwestie van tijd voordat Turkije, de NAVO en de VS voor een false-flag operatie zorgen, en dit in de Westerse media zullen verkopen als ‘onaanvaardbare Syrische agressie’.


Xander

(1) Zero Hedge / Infowars

vendredi, 28 mars 2014

Deutscher Altkanzler Schmidt zeigt Verständnis für russische Krim-Politik

Deutscher Altkanzler Schmidt zeigt Verständnis für russische Krim-Politik

Thema: Die Zukunftsentscheidung auf der Krim

 
MOSKAU, 26. März (RIA Novosti).

schmidt-helmut.jpgDer deutsche Ex-Bundeskanzler Helmut Schmidt nimmt die Wiedervereinigung der ukrainischen Schwarzmeerhalbinsel Krim mit Russland verständnisvoll auf und hält die westlichen Sanktionen gegen Moskau für dumm. 

Das Vorgehen Russlands auf der Krim sei „durchaus verständlich“, sagte Schmidt der Zeitung „Die Zeit“. Dagegen kritisierte er das Verhalten des Westens im Krim-Konflikt scharf und bezeichnete die Sanktionen der EU und der USA gegen Russland als „dummes Zeug". Weiter gehende wirtschaftliche Sanktionen würden ihr Ziel verfehlen und „den Westen genauso wie die Russen treffen“.

Auch kritisierte Schmidt, der 1974 bis 1982 Bundeskanzler der Bundesrepublik Deutschland war, die Entscheidung der G7, die Zusammenarbeit mit Russland einzustellen. Die G8 sei in Wirklichkeit nicht so wichtig wie die G20, bei der Russland weiter Vollmitglied ist. Die Situation in der Ukraine ist laut Schmidt „gefährlich, weil der Westen sich furchtbar aufregt.“ „Diese Aufregung des Westens sorgt natürlich für entsprechende Aufregung in der russischen öffentlichen Meinung und Politik.“

Die politische Krise in der Ukraine war eskaliert, nachdem das Parlament (Oberste Rada) am 22. Februar die Verfassung geändert, Staatspräsident Viktor Janukowitsch für abgesetzt erklärt und einen Oppositionspolitiker zum Übergangspräsidenten ernannt hatte. Oppositionsfraktionen stellten eine Übergangsregierung.

Von Russen dominierte Gebiete im Osten und Süden der Ukraine haben die neue, von Nationalisten geprägte Regierung in Kiew nicht anerkannt. Auf der Schwarzmeer-Halbinsel Krim stimmten mehr als 96,7 Prozent der Teilnehmer eines Referendums für eine Abspaltung von der Ukraine und eine Wiedervereinigung mit Russland. Kurz danach unterzeichneten Russland und die Krim einen Vertrag über die Eingliederung der Halbinsel in die Russische Föderation. Die USA und die Europäische Union verhängten daraufhin Sanktionen gegen Russland. Unterdessen haben Tausende Demonstranten in mehreren Großstädten der Süd- und Ostukraine ein Referendum nach dem Vorbild der Krim gefordert.

Is Europe Cracking Up?

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Is Europe Cracking Up?

By

Ex: http://www.lewrockwell.com

A week ago, in the St. George’s Hall in the Kremlin, Russia’s elite cheered and wept as Vladimir Putin announced the re-annexation of Crimea. Seven in 10 Russians approve of Putin’s rule.

In Crimea, the Russian majority has not ceased celebrating. The re-conquest nears completion. In Eastern Ukraine, Russians have now begun to agitate for annexation by Moscow.

Ukrainian nationalism, manifest in the anti-Russia coup in Kiev, has produced its inevitable reaction among Russians.

While praising the Ukrainians who came out to Maidan to protest peacefully, Putin said that those behind the decisive events “resorted to terror, murder and riots. Nationalists, neo-Nazis, Russophobes and anti-Semites executed this coup.” The Kremlin erupted in cheers.

But not only in Ukraine is ethnic nationalism surging.

“National Front Vote Stuns Hollande” was the headline on the Financial Times’ story about France’s municipal elections Sunday.

Though the FN of Marine Le Pen, daughter of party founder Jean Marie Le Pen, did not field candidate in many cities, it won the mayoral race outright in Henin-Beaumont and ran first or second in a dozen medium-sized cities, qualifying for run-off elections on March 30.

“The National Front has arrived as a major independent force — a political force both at the national and local levels,” declared Le Pen.

No one is arguing the point. Indeed, a measure of panic has set in for the socialist party of Francois Hollande, which is calling on all parties to unite against FN candidates.

In early polling for the May elections for the European Parliament in Strasbourg, the National Front is running close behind the UMP of ex-president Nicolas Sarkozy, and ahead of Hollande’s socialists.

Begun as an anti-immigrant, anti-EU Party, the FN has broadened its base to issues like crime and unemployment.

But the most startling news on the nationalist front last week came in Venice and the Veneto region, where 89 percent of a large turnout in a non-binding referendum voted to secede from Italy and re-establish the Venetian republic that vanished in 1866.

Exulted Luca Zaia of the separatist Northern League, “The will for secession is growing very strong. We are only at the Big Bang of the movement — but revolutions are born of hunger and we are now hungry. Venice can now escape.”

The proposed “Repubblica Veneta” would embrace five million inhabitants of Veneto. Should it succeed in seceding, Lombardy and Trentino would likely follow, bringing about a partition of Italy.

Sardinia is also reportedly looking for an exit.

In readying their referendum, Venetians journeyed to Scotland to observe preparations by the Scottish National Party for the vote this fall to sever the 1707 Act of Union with England.

Also observing in Scotland were representatives of Catalonia who will hold a similar referendum this fall on secession from Spain. Basque Country secessionists were present in Scotland as well.

In a report published this weekend, “Europe on Trial,” a poll of 20,000 British commissioned by Lord Ashcroft of the Conservative Party found that Russia (before the Kiev-Crimea crisis) was viewed more favorably than either the EU or European Parliament.

By 49-31, British think the costs of membership in the EU outweigh the benefits and they are now evenly divided, 41-41, on whether to get out of the union altogether.

Prime Minister David Cameron has set a vote on EU membership for 2017. Now it appears the Labour Party, seeing the unpopularity of the EU, may also be open to changing the EU treaty and a referendum on saying goodbye to Europe, should they take power in 2015.

Why is the EU under rising centrifugal pressure? Why do so many nations of Europe seem on the verge of breaking up?

There is no single or simple explanation.

Venice and Northern Italy feel exploited. Why, they ask, should we subsidize a less industrious and lazier south that consumes tax revenues we raise here. Many northern Italians believe they have more in common with Swiss than Romans, Neapolitans or Sicilians.

Flanders feels the same about the Walloons in Belgium.

Scots and Catalans believe they are a people with a culture, history and identity separate from the nations to which they belong.

Across Europe, there is a fear that the ethnic character of their countries and continent are being altered forever against the will of the people.

Western Europeans are recoiling at the Bulgarians, Rumanians and gypsies arriving from Eastern Europe. Asylum seekers, economic refugees and migrants in the scores of thousands arrive annually on the Italian island of Lampedusa and in the Spanish Canaries.

Early this month, the New York Times reported a surge of 80,000 African migrants headed for the tiny Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla on the Moroccan coast.

The goal these desperate people seek: the mother countries of the Old Continent and the wealthy welfare states of Northern Europe.

What the children of Europe are rebelling against is what their fathers, paralyzed by political correctness, refused to prevent.

It was predictable, it was predicted, and it has come to pass.

Gallup peiling: Wereld beschouwt VS als grootste bedreiging voor vrede

Gallup peiling: Wereld beschouwt VS als grootste bedreiging voor vrede

1057335429.jpgMarokko, Libanon en Irak zien Israël als grootste gevaar - 70% Amerikanen heeft geen vertrouwen meer in Washington

Uit een wereldwijde peiling van het toonaangevende Gallup en het Worldwide Independent Network blijkt dat de Verenigde Staten met grote afstand als de grootste bedreiging voor de wereldvrede worden gezien. Ondertussen is president Obama vandaag in Nederland met alle egards ontvangen en zijn de media opnieuw lyrisch over de man die al meer dan 8 x zoveel droneaanvallen uitvoerde dan zijn verketterde voorganger Bush (2), een ongekend aantal onschuldige burgerslachtoffers op zijn geweten heeft, en vastbesloten lijkt het Westen in een oorlog met Rusland te storten.

De peiling werd uitgevoerd in 68 landen. Het wereldwijde anti-Amerikaanse sentiment is zeker niet alleen te vinden in landen die traditioneel vijandig staan tegenover de VS, maar ook in NAVO-landen zoals Griekenland en Turkije.

 

VS met afstand grootste bedreiging

Maar liefst 24% van de ondervraagden beschouwt Amerika als de grootste bedreiging voor de wereldvrede. Ver daarachter komen Pakistan met 8%, en China met 6%. Op de gedeelde vierde plek staan Afghanistan, Iran, Israël en Noord Korea (ieder 5%).

Het zal niet verwonderlijk zijn dat de VS vooral in het Midden Oosten en Noord Afrika, waar het door middel van militaire interventies, droneaanvallen, bombardementen en het aanstichten van de Arabische Lenteopstanden chaos heeft gecreëerd, het vaakst wordt genoemd.

In Latijns Amerika zijn de burgers verdeeld. In Brazilië, Argentinië en Peru kwam Amerika eveneens op de dubieuze eerste plaats terecht.

Marokko, Libanon en Irak zien Israël als grootste gevaar

Eveneens weinig verbazingwekkend is dat Israël in met name moslimlanden als een groot gevaar wordt beschouwd. In Marokko, Libanon en Irak ziet men de Joodse staat zelfs als de grootste bedreiging voor de vrede, vooral vanwege de voortdurende dreiging met een aanval op Iran.

Tegelijkertijd staat de VS ook op de eerste plek van landen waar mensen het liefste zouden willen wonen als er geen grenzen bestonden. Het percentage dat Amerika noemt ligt met 9% echter beduidend lager.

70% Amerikanen heeft geen vertrouwen meer in Washington

Van de Amerikanen zelf vindt 13% dat hun eigen land een gevaar vormt voor de status quo op onze planeet. Uit een onderzoek van het AP-NORC Center for Public Affairs bleek dat de regering Obama ook in eigen land steeds impopulairder wordt, en 50% van de ondervraagden vindt dat het hele politieke systeem compleet op zijn kop moet. Maar liefst 70% denkt dat de regering niet in staat is om de grote problemen van het land op te lossen. (1)

Obama vereerd, waar Bush verketterd voor zou worden

Daar waar zijn voorganger Bush verketterd zou worden voor het bombarderen van Libië, het aanstichten van een gewelddadige revolutie in Egypte, het steunen van Al Qaeda terroristen in Syrië, het fors opvoeren van het aantal droneaanvallen en maken van onschuldige burgerslachtoffers in Pakistan, Afghanistan en Jemen, het veroorzaken en vervolgens doodzwijgen van een islamitische uitroeiingsoorlog tegen het christendom, en het uitlokken van een mogelijke oorlog met Rusland door een fascistische staatsgreep in Oekraïne aan te sturen, staat Obama in Europa en vooral in Nederland nog steeds op een voetstuk, getuige de soms aan afgoderij grenzende verering door de media en politiek.

Xander

(1) Russia Today

Zie ook o.a.:

06-03: Crisis Oekraïne: Is Obama zwak en naïef, of de critici die hem zo noemen
14-02: 'Als Obama niet wordt gestopt, stort Amerika binnen 18 maanden in'
30-01: Obama zegt Congres te negeren; Eerste dictatuur VS een feit
26-01: Obama begonnen met uitschakelen politieke vijanden

 

L’axe Moscou-Pékin à full speed contre le $

L’axe Moscou-Pékin à full speed contre le $

Ex: http://www.dedefensa.org

 

russia-china-dollar1.jpgLe 21 mars 2014, le site Zero Hedge annonce la signature prochaine de ce qu’il nomme Holy Grail pour désigner le gigantesque accord gazier entre la Russie et la Chine, qui doit constituer parallèlement une attaque massive contre le pétrodollar. Tyler Durden place cet accord, à ce moment, comme un signe fondamental de basculement des puissances au détriment du bloc BAO.

«If it was the intent of the West to bring Russia and China together – one a natural resource (if “somewhat” corrupt) superpower and the other a fixed capital / labor output (if “somewhat” capital misallocating and credit bubbleicious) powerhouse — in the process marginalizing the dollar and encouraging Ruble and Renminbi bilateral trade, then things are surely “going according to plan.”

»For now there have been no major developments as a result of the shift in the geopolitical axis that has seen global US influence, away from the Group of 7 (most insolvent nations) of course, decline precipitously in the aftermath of the bungled Syrian intervention attempt and the bloodless Russian annexation of Crimea, but that will soon change. Because while the west is focused on day to day developments in Ukraine, and how to halt Russian expansion through appeasement (hardly a winning tactic as events in the 1930s demonstrated), Russia is once again thinking 3 steps ahead... and quite a few steps east.

»While Europe is furiously scrambling to find alternative sources of energy should Gazprom pull the plug on natgas exports to Germany and Europe (the imminent surge in Ukraine gas prices by 40% is probably the best indication of what the outcome would be), Russia is preparing the announcement of the “Holy Grail“ energy deal with none other than China, a move which would send geopolitical shockwaves around the world and bind the two nations in a commodity-backed axis. One which, as some especially on these pages, have suggested would lay the groundwork for a new joint, commodity-backed reserve currency that bypasses the dollar, something which Russia implied moments ago when its finance minister Siluanov said that Russia may regain from foreign borrowing this year. Translated: bypass western purchases of Russian debt, funded by Chinese purchases of US Treasurys, and go straight to the source.»

L’accord pourrait être signé en mai, lors du voyage de Poutine à Pékin. Il instituerait une relation structurelle fondamentale entre le principal producteur de gaz et le principal consommateur de gaz, dans le chef des relations des deux pays et en considérant leurs propres activités énergétiques. (On y ajoutera l’élément que cette année, la Chine est devenue le premier importateur de pétrole russe, dépassant l’Allemagne.) Un expert russe de la Chine, Vasily Kachine, de l’Institut Analysis of Strategies and Technologies (CAST), estime que dans de telles conditions, il est complètement absurde de parle de l’“isolement” de la Russie, – et l’on pourrait considérer au contraire que c’est le bloc BAO qui est sur la voie de l’isolement, d’autant que Durden poursuit : «Bingo. And now add bilateral trade denominated in either Rubles or Renminbi, add Iran, Iraq, India, and soon the Saudis (China's largest foreign source of crude, whose crown prince also happened to meet president Xi Jinping last week to expand trade further) and wave goodbye to the petrodollar.»

Durden fait un tour d’horizon des relations de la Russie avec les principaux pays alternatifs au bloc BAO (Chine, Inde, etc.), pour estimer que leurs relations avec la Russie sont en bonne voie de se stabiliser dans un sens positif dans la sillage du choc qu’a constitué la crise ukrainienne. Durden ajoute que des mesures de coopération hautement symboliques et très significatives sont en cours de préparation dans d’autres domaines de coopération («CAST's Kachine said the prospects of Russia delivering Sukhoi SU-35 fighter jets to China, which has been under discussion since 2010, would grow»).

« The punchline: “A strong alliance would suit both countries [Russia & China] as a counterbalance to the United States.” An alliance that would merely be an extension of current trends in close bilateral relations, including not only infrastructure investment but also military supplies... [...] To summarize: while the biggest geopolitical tectonic shift since the cold war accelerates with the inevitable firming of the “Asian axis”, the west monetizes its debt, revels in the paper wealth created from an all time high manipulated stock market while at the same time trying to explain why 6.5% unemployment is really indicative of a weak economy, blames the weather for every disappointing economic data point, and every single person is transfixed with finding a missing airplane.»

Ce qui est le plus impressionnant dans cette analyse, qui renforce des bruits et des prospectives diverses, des déclarations d’officiels russes, etc., c’est le schéma d’extension accélérée de la crise ukrainienne, – dans ce cas, passant au problème fondamental du rôle/du statut du dollar dont on sait le poids qu’il pèse dans le dispositif d’hégémonie du Système. Il s’agit de mesurer comment et à quelle vitesse cette crise passe d’une dimension régionale à une dimension globale, comprenant tous les domaines, remettant en cause tous les facteurs des restes encore à peu près stables des relations internationales, et cela dans un sens systématiquement défavorable au bloc BAO. Pendant ce temps, le bloc suit une dynamique dans l’autre sens, notamment dans le cadre de l’élaboration des sanctions antirusses. On assiste alors, pour ce cas, au phénomène étonnant d’une sorte de “provincialisation” de la globalisation. L’image n’est pas outrée ni caricaturale, lorsqu’on se rapporte aux échos venus notamment des organismes européens, où l’on plonge dans les détails les plus dérisoires pour faire s’accorder des paquets de sanctions calculés au millimètre et à l’euro près, en cherchant à satisfaire toutes les parties prenantes, les pays-membres certes, mais aussi les lobbies, les industriels, les forces diverses. (On cite l’exemple significatif par sa dimension picrocholinesque d’une petite société autrichienne, très efficace dans le lobbyisme, alors que son pays est très réticent pour les sanctions, qui dispose d’une commande de €30 millions en Russie, qui proteste contre cette perte et menace de mettre le cas sur un plan juridique, qui est sur la voie d’obtenir une indemnisation de €30 millions des institutions européennes en échange de l’abandon de son lobbyisme et de ses récriminations, voire de ses projets d’aller au tribunal, – et ainsi de suite... C’est à ce niveau de “micro-management”, de parcellisation folle des mesures envisagées que l’on se trouve réduit...)

Un autre phénomène sémantique apparu dans le texte de Durden, c’est la prise en compte de la Crimée comme d’une cuisante défaite géopolitique US, comme l’a été, auparavant, la crise syrienne d’août-septembre 2013 («...the shift in the geopolitical axis that has seen global US influence... [...] decline precipitously in the aftermath of the bungled Syrian intervention attempt and the bloodless Russian annexation of Crimea»). Là aussi, il s’agit d’une formidable extension de la crise ukrainienne, cette fois dans le domaine de la perception et de la communication. Bien entendu, cette extension est totalement ignorée par la bloc bAO, parce que totalement verrouillée par les narrative écrasantes en cours dans les directions du bloc, qui n’ont jamais été aussi lourdes, aussi prégnantes, aussi impudentes, et qui emprisonnent à double tour toutes les pensées officielles (celles qui s’expriment à haute voix, celles qui apparaissent finalement sur les talking point ou les rapports définitifs en moins d’une page sur tel ou tel aspect de la crise, etc.). Là encore, le décalage entre le bloc BAO et l’“autre côté” dans la crise (la Russie, mais sans doute bien plus que la Russie) est stupéfiant. Et là-dessus, pour faire bonne mesure et considérant l’ambiance de micro-management où se trouvent plongés tous les outils de puissance du bloc BAO, il nous apparaît bien improbable que le bloc se rende compte de ce qui se passe précisément, dans cette affaire générale commentée ici (l’axe Russie-Chine et le pétro$), comme dans d’autres domaines du dispositif global du bloc.

Pour paraphraser Duden, et en ne limitant pas nécessairement la remarque à la Russie, «Russia is [...] thinking 3 steps ahead»... Mais quoi, l’on se rend compte par ailleurs de ce qu’est la véritable préoccupation des citoyens US (voir ce même 22 mars 2014), ce qui renforce la logique de la situation en faisant de cette circonstance un facteur complémentaire de type antiSystème (les Américains contre le système de l’américanisme/contre le Système) à l’action Russo-chinoise & Cie, et dessine ce qui pourrait déboucher sur une révolte générale antiSystème. Certes, il s’agirait d’une opportunité et d’une tentative de plus dans ce sens, mais toujours plus sérieuse que les précédentes, et cette fois tellement plus sérieuse que les précédentes avec les facteurs impliqués qu’on est fondé à la juger comme ayant des chances à la fois fortes et d'une grande dynamiques d’être proche de s’avérer décisive.

jeudi, 27 mars 2014

Lo que se juega Alemania en Rusia

Ex: http://www.elespiadigital.com

6.200 empresas alemanas comercian con Rusia o han realizado inversiones en el país y 300.000 puestos de trabajo alemanes dependen del negocio ruso. La inversión germana en Rusia se cifra en 20.000 millones, por eso la aplicación de sanciones contra Moscú tendría consecuencias desastrosas para la primera economía europea.

Como es habitual antes de la celebración de un Consejo Europeo, Merkel ha comparecido ante el Bundestag para dar cuenta de las negociaciones que se llevarán a cabo en Bruselas. Pasados los peores batacazos de una crisis económica que Alemania todavía no da por superada y con una Unión Bancaria en ciernes, el grueso de las conversaciones de la cumbre de marzo se centrará en la gestión de la crisis abierta en Ucrania.

Los socios europeos encaran este encuentro dispuestos a aplicar la tercera fase de las sanciones contra Rusia, que se extenderían al ámbito económico. Este es un paso que Berlín observa con preocupación y que Merkel ha intentado evitar por todos los medios insistiendo en sus últimas apariciones públicas en que, de forma paralela a las sanciones impuestas, debe permanecer abierta la vía del diálogo. Sin embargo, en su última intervención, este jueves en el Bundestag, la canciller ha abandonado el discurso tibio de los últimos días, llegando incluso a dar por suspendido temporalmente la celebración del G-8.

En la crisis ucraniana Angela Merkel está jugando un papel principal, actuando como mediadora ante Moscú para evitar un agravamiento de las relaciones entre este y oeste. Sus constantes comunicaciones vía telefónica con Vladimir Putin también habrían servido para templar los ánimos del sector empresarial, preocupado por las consecuencias económicas que podrían derivarse de un aislamiento de Rusia.

En Berlín, la crisis abierta en Ucrania preocupa no solo por la dependencia energética de Moscú -Alemania importa de Rusia el 35% del gas que consume- sino también por sus enormes intereses empresariales en el país. Alemania tiene mucho que perder si se materializa una espiral de sanciones económicas contra Rusia.

6.200 empresas alemanas comercian con Rusia o han realizado inversiones en el país y 300.000 puestos de trabajo alemanes dependen del negocio ruso. El volumen comercial bilateral se sitúa en los 76.400 millones de euros, con exportaciones valoradas en 36.000 millones e importaciones en 40.400 millones. En total, los alemanes han invertido en Rusia 20.000 millones de euros, según ha confirmado recientemente Anton F. Börner, presidente de la Asociación Federal Alemana de Comercio Exterior y Al Por Mayor (BGA), en un encuentro con medios extranjeros en Berlín, entre ellos, la Cadena Ser.

Rusia es el undécimo socio comercial de Alemania, un país al que la locomotora europea exporta, sobre todo, bienes de consumo de alto valor, maquinaria, productos electrónicos y coches. De aplicarse sanciones contra Moscú, la economía alemana podría resentirse en 2014. "Calculamos que las exportaciones alemanas aumentarán un 3% y las importaciones un 2% este año, por lo que se daría una balanza comercial con un superávit de 215.000 millones de euros, unos planes que se podrían ir al traste en caso de la crisis en Ucrania continúe escalando", señala Börner.

En su opinión, la crisis abierta no debe solucionarse a favor o en contra de Rusia, sino "con Rusia" y teniendo en cuenta que el recrudecimiento de las relaciones también afecta a los intereses económicos rusos en Europa. No en vano, Alemania es el tercer socio comercial de Rusia y las exportaciones de energía de Rusia suponen más de la mitad de los ingresos públicos del país y un 25% su PIB. "Más de un 80% de las exportaciones de energía rusas van a parar al oeste, el volumen comercial de entre Europa y Rusia es de un 1% del PIB de la UE mientras que supone el 15% del PIB ruso", recuerda el presidente de la BGA.

Fuente: Cadena SER

OTAN GO HOME !

OTAN GO HOME !

flyer_otan.png

Un communiqué du Réseau Identités:

En 1991 l‘Union Soviétique s’effondrait et avec elle la menace militaire qu’elle représentait. En effet, immédiatement, la Russie nouvelle sabordait le Traité de Varsovie: dès lors l’OTAN n’avait plus de raisons d’être. Mais au lieu de jouer le jeu de la réciprocité, les U.S.A. poussaient leurs pions un peu plus profond en Europe. Ce furent les épisodes du démembrement de la Yougoslavie et de la Serbie, puis des “révolutions oranges” téléguidées depuis Washington.  Aujourd’hui, Russie et « Occident » sont à nouveau face à face à l’occasion de la crise Ukrainienne.

Souvenons-nous de ces mains tendues… Gorbatchev et sa « Maison commune », Poutine et sa « Grande Europe »… Autant de plaidoyers pour un partenariat euro-russe enterré par nos dirigeants corrompus inféodés à Washington tels les Hollande, Fabius cornaqués par  l’ineffable Bernard Henri Lévy. Concrètement, l’OTAN divise notre continent alors que nous devrions l’unir. Nous ne pouvons demeurer les complices silencieux de l’OTAN quand elle bombarde une capitale européenne comme Belgrade, quand elle installe des républiques musulmanes comme le Kosovo ou la Bosnie en plein coeur de l’Europe, ou quand elle tente de déstabiliser la Russie comme on l’a vu en Géorgie ou en Ukraine…

C’est pourquoi le Réseau-Identités entreprend aujourd’hui une campagne visant à libérer l’Europe de la tutelle des USA en abrogeant le Traité de l’Atlantique Nord qui ne sert ni le continent européen, ni les nations qui le composent. A la place, nous devons oeuvrer pour une armée européenne au service des intérêts européens et de leur diplomatie. On est en droit de se demander aujourd’hui quelle sera l’attitude de l’OTAN quand les peuples de France ou d’autres pays d’Europe auront décidé de se réapproprier les outils de leur souveraineté et de s’atteler au grand défi de la re-migration. Décidemment, non! Nous ne voulons plus d’une ingérence étrangère dans les affaires de notre continent car nous voulons l’Europe aux Européens…

Alors, comme De gaulle en son temps, disons non à l’OTAN…

OTAN hors de France !!! OTAN hors d’Europe !!! OTAN GO Home !!!

Le basculement de la Crimée est-il le premier d’une longue série?

Crimea-flag.jpg

Le basculement de la Crimée est-il le premier d’une longue série?

Auteur : Al Watan (Syrie)
Ex: http://www.zejournal.mobi

Au-delà des pleurs emphatiques de l’Occident face à l’adhésion de la Crimée à la Fédération de Russie, le vrai enjeu est de savoir s’il s’agit d’un événement orphelin ou s’il préfigure le basculement de l’Europe orientale vers Moscou. N’ayant plus que l’asservissement à la bureaucratie bruxelloise à offrir, Bruxelles craint que ses actuels clients soient attirés par la liberté et l’argent de Moscou.

Les Occidentaux s’époumonent à dénoncer l’« annexion militaire » de la Crimée par la Russie. Selon eux, Moscou, revenant à la « doctrine Brejnev », menace la souveraineté de tous les États qui furent membres non seulement de l’ex-URSS, mais aussi du Pacte de Varsovie, et s’apprête à les envahir comme il le fit en Hongrie en 1956 et en Tchécoslovaquie en 1968.

Est-ce bien vrai ? Manifestement, les mêmes Occidentaux ne sont pas convaincus de l’imminence du danger. S’ils assimilent en paroles l’« annexion » de la Crimée par Vladimir Poutine à celle des Sudètes par Adolf Hitler, ils ne pensent pas que l’on se dirige vers une Troisième Guerre mondiale.

Tout au plus ont-ils pris des sanctions théoriques contre quelques dirigeants russes —y compris criméens— en bloquant leurs comptes, au cas ou ils voudraient en ouvrir dans des banques occidentales, ou en leur interdisant d’y voyager, si l’envie leur en prenait. Le Pentagone a bien envoyé 22 avions de combats en Pologne et dans les États baltes, mais il n’a pas l’intention de faire plus que cette gesticulation, pour le moment.

Que se passe t-il au juste ? Depuis la chute du Mur de Berlin, le 9 novembre 1989, et le sommet de Malte qui l’a suivie, les 2 et 3 décembre, les États-Unis n’ont cessé de gagner du terrain et, en violation de leurs promesses, de faire basculer un à un tous les États européens —sauf la Russie— dans l’Otan.

Le processus a débuté quelques jours plus tard, à la Noël 1989, avec le renversement des Ceau?escu en Roumanie et leur remplacement par un autre dignitaire communiste subitement converti au libéralisme, Ion Iliescu. Pour la première fois, la CIA organisait un coup d’État aux yeux de tous, tout en le mettant en scène comme une « révolution » grâce à une nouvelle chaîne de télévision, CNN International. C’était le début d’une longue série.

Une vingtaine d’autres cibles allaient suivre, souvent par des moyens tout aussi frauduleux : l’Albanie, l’Allemagne de l’Est, l’Azerbaïdjan, la Bosnie-Herzégovine, la Bulgarie, la Croatie, l’Estonie, la Géorgie, la Hongrie, le Kosovo, la Lettonie, la Lituanie, la Macédoine, la Moldavie, le Monténégro, la Pologne, la Serbie, la Slovaquie, la Slovénie, la Tchéquie et l’Ukraine.

Aucun document ne fut signé lors du sommet de Malte, mais le président Bush Sr., conseillé par Condoleezza Rice, prit l’engagement oral qu’aucun membre du Pacte de Varsovie ne serait accepté dans l’Otan. En réalité, l’Allemagne de l’Est y entra de facto, par le simple jeu de son adhésion à l’Allemagne de l’Ouest. La porte étant ainsi ouverte, ce sont aujourd’hui 12 États ex-membres de l’URSS ou du Pacte de Varsovie qui y ont adhéré et les autres qui sont en attente de rejoindre l’Alliance.

Cependant, « les meilleures choses ont une fin ». La puissance de l’Otan et de son versant civil, l’Union européenne, vacille. Certes l’Alliance n’a jamais été si nombreuse, mais ses armées sont peu efficaces. Elle excelle sur de petits théâtres d’opération, comme en Afghanistan, mais ne peut plus entrer en guerre contre la Chine, ni contre la Russie, sans la certitude de perdre comme on l’a vu en Syrie cet été.

En définitive, les Occidentaux sont stupéfaits de la rapidité et de l’efficacité russes. Durant les jeux Olympiques de Sotchi, Vladimir Poutine n’a stoïquement livré aucun commentaire sur les événements de la place Maidan. Mais il a réagi dès qu’il a eu les mains libres. Chacun a pu alors constater qu’il abattait des cartes qu’il avait préparées durant son long silence. En quelques heures, des forces pro-russes ont neutralisé les forces pro-Kiev de Crimée tandis qu’une révolution était organisée à Semferopol pour porter au pouvoir une équipe pro-russe. Le nouveau gouvernement a appelé à un référendum d’autodétermination qui a enregistré une immense vague pro-russe, population tatare incluse. Puis, les Forces officielles russes ont fait prisonniers avec leurs matériels les soldats se réclamant encore de Kiev. Tout cela sans tirer un coup de feu, à l’exception d’un sniper ukrainien pro-Otan qui fut arrêté à Semferopol après avoir tué une personne de chaque bord.

Il y a vingt ans, les mêmes Criméens auraient certainement voté contre la Russie. Mais aujourd’hui, leur liberté est bien mieux assurée par Moscou que par Kiev, où un tiers du gouvernement revient aux nazis et les deux autres tiers aux représentants des oligarques. En outre, leur économie en faillite a immédiatement été relevée par la Banque de Russie, tandis que, malgré le FMI et les prêts des États-Unis et de l’UE, Kiev est condamné à une longue période de pauvreté. Il n’était pas nécessaire de parler russe pour faire ce choix et, malgré la propagande occidentale, les musulmans Tatars l’ont fait comme les russophones. C’est également le choix de 88 % des militaires ukrainiens stationnés en Crimée, qui se sont ralliés à Moscou avec la ferme intention de faire venir leurs familles et de leur obtenir la nationalité russe. C’est aussi le choix de 82 % des marins ukrainiens qui se trouvaient en mer, trop heureux de pouvoir devenir Russes, ils se sont ralliés à Moscou avec leurs bâtiments sans y être contraints d’aucune manière.

La liberté et la prospérité, qui ont été les arguments de vente de l’Occident depuis presque 70 ans, ont changé de camp.

Il ne s’agit pas d’affirmer ici que la Russie est parfaite, mais de constater que pour les Criméens et en réalité pour la plupart des Européens, elle est plus attractive que le camp occidental.

C’est pourquoi l’indépendance de la Crimée et son adhésion à la Fédération de Russie marquent le retour du balancier. Pour la première fois, un peuple ex-soviétique décide librement de reconnaître l’autorité de Moscou. Ce que craignent les Occidentaux, c’est que cet événement ait un effet comparable à la chute du Mur de Berlin, mais dans l’autre sens. Pourquoi ne verrait-on pas des États membres de l’Otan —comme la Grèce— ou simplement de l’Union européenne —comme Chypre— suivre le même chemin ? Le camp occidental se déliterait alors et sombrerait dans une très forte récession —comme la Russie d’Eltsine—.

En outre, la question de la survie des États-Unis ne manquerait pas de se poser. La dissolution de l’URSS aurait dû entrainer celle de son ennemi et néanmoins partenaire, ces deux super-puissances n’existant que l’une face à l’autre. Or, il n’en fut rien. Washington étant débarrassé de son compétiteur se lança à la conquête du monde, globalisa l’économie et installa un Nouvel Ordre. Il fallut deux ans et un mois à l’Union soviétique pour se dissoudre après la chute du Mur de Berlin. Verrons-nous bientôt la dissolution des États-Unis et de l’Union européenne en plusieurs entités, ainsi que l’enseigne Igor Panarin à l’Académie diplomatique de Moscou ? L’effondrement sera d’autant plus rapide que Washington réduira ses subventions à ses alliés et Bruxelles ses fonds structurels.

Personne ne doit craindre l’attractivité de la Russie, car c’est une puissance impériale, mais pas impérialiste. Si Moscou a tendance à rabrouer les petits pays qu’il protège, il n’entend pas étendre son hégémonie par la force. Sa stratégie militaire est celle du « déni d’accès » à son territoire. Ses armées sont les premières au monde en termes de défense anti-aérienne et anti-navale. Elles peuvent détruire des flottes de bombardiers et de porte-avions. Mais elles ne sont pas équipées pour partir à la conquête du monde, ni déployées dans quantité de bases extérieures.

Il est particulièrement étrange d’entendre les Occidentaux dénoncer l’adhésion de la Crimée à la Fédération de Russie comme contraire au droit international et à la Constitution ukrainienne. N’est-ce pas eux qui démembrèrent l’URSS et le Pacte de Varsovie ? N’est-ce pas eux qui rompirent l’ordre constitutionnel à Kiev ?

Le ministre allemand des Affaires étrangères, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, déplore une prétendue volonté russe de « couper l’Europe en deux ». Mais la Russie s’est débarrassée de la dictature bureaucratique soviétique et n’entend pas restaurer le Rideau de fer. Ce sont les États-Unis qui veulent couper l’Europe en deux pour éviter l’hémorragie vers l’Est. La nouvelle dictature bureaucratique n’est plus à Moscou, mais à Bruxelles, elle se nomme Union européenne.

D’ores et déjà, Washington tente de fixer ses alliés dans son camp, il développe sa couverture de missiles en Pologne, en Roumanie et en Azerbaïdjan. Il ne fait plus mystère que son « bouclier » n’a jamais été destiné à contrer des missiles iraniens, mais est conçu pour attaquer la Russie. Il tente aussi de pousser ses alliés européens à prendre des sanctions économiques qui paralyseraient le continent et pousseraient les capitaux à fuir… aux États-Unis.

L’ampleur de ces ajustements est telle que le Pentagone examine la possibilité d’interrompre son « pivot vers l’Extrême-Orient », c’est-à-dire le déplacement de ses troupes d’Europe et du Proche-Orient pour les positionner en vue d’une guerre contre la Chine. Quoi qu’il en soit, toute modification de sa stratégie à long terme désorganisera encore plus ses armées sur le court et le moyen terme. Moscou n’en demandait pas autant, qui observe avec volupté les réactions des populations de l’Est de l’Ukraine et, pourquoi pas, de la Transnistrie.

Le ras-le-bol de la politique politicienne

Le ras-le-bol de la politique politicienne

Ex: http://metapoinfos.hautetfort.com

Vous pouvez découvrir ci-dessous un point de vue de François Huguenin, cueilli sur Figarovox et consacré aux résultats du premier tour des élections municipales. Historien des idées, François Huguenin était rédacteur-en-chef, au début des années 90, de l'excellente revue Réaction. Il est l'auteur de plusieurs essais comme Histoire intellectuelle des droites (Perrin, 2013),  L'Action française, Une histoire intellectuelle (Perrin, 2011), Résister au libéralisme - Les Penseurs de la communauté (Éditions du CNRS, 2009) ou Le Conservatisme impossible : libéralisme et réaction en France depuis 1789 (La Table Ronde, 2006).

carton rouge.jpg

 

Abstention, percée du FN : le ras-le-bol de la politique politicienne

Les résultats du premier tour des élections municipales ont été sans surprise marquées par un double phénomène: l'importance du taux d'abstention et le succès du Front National. Deux manières de manifester une profonde défiance par rapport à la classe politique, dont le Front National, qui n'exerce pas de responsabilités de gouvernement, peut donner l'illusion de ne pas faire partie.

Se lamenter sur l'absence de sens civique de nos concitoyens, s'indigner de la lepénisation des esprits peut être louable. Cela risque pourtant de n'être qu'une incantation supplémentaire qui peut certes donner bonne conscience, mais qui a montré sur la durée son inconsistance et son inefficacité. Ce double mouvement de défiance renvoie à quelque chose de fondamental qui est l'absence de principes de la classe politique, ou tout au moins de sa partie la plus visible, au sommet des appareils partisans, et donc de l'Etat. Comment en est-on arrivé là? Qu'est-ce que cela dit de notre démocratie?

La corruption du personnel politique n'est pas nouvelle. Il suffit de lire l'histoire de l'Antiquité à nos jours pour savoir que le pouvoir corrompt, que l'homme est bien souvent sous l'emprise de ce que saint Augustin appelait la libido dominandi qui le conduit à des pratiques immorales. Quel que soit le type de régime, cette tentation a existé au cœur de l'homme et la démocratie française n'y a pas échappé. On se souvient de la difficulté à s'implanter de la IIIe République, gangrénée par les affaires de corruption (scandales de Panama et des décorations), ou d'atteinte à la liberté d'opinion (affaire des fiches). Pourtant, malgré tout, il restait clair que ces pratiques, lorsqu'elles étaient mises en lumière, pouvaient faire tomber un gouvernement ou un ministre et heurtaient une morale laïque partagée par tous. Qu'elles aient été moins ou aussi fréquentes qu'aujourd'hui, ces pratiques étaient à tout le moins considérées comme anormales et condamnables. Aujourd'hui, un gouvernement ne tombe plus pour une sombre histoire d'écoute et d'atteinte à la liberté ; un parti politique qui finance sa campagne de façon malhonnête garde pignon sur rue ; sans parler des glauques affaires sexuelles d'un ancien candidat à la présidence. Les Français sont-ils choqués? Sans doute. Mais rien ne se passe. Ils en ont pris leur parti. Ces affaires ne sont au demeurant que la partie immergée d'un iceberg qui met en péril le navire de notre démocratie: c'est le sentiment que les hommes politiques ne cherchent qu'à conquérir, garder ou retrouver le pouvoir, en servant les intérêts du camp qui les soutient, sans attention au bien commun ; que les promesses électorales sont systématiquement non tenues et que les électeurs ne sont pas considérés comme des citoyens à qui l'on doit la vérité et le respect.

Pourquoi cet effondrement des principes qui garantissent la légitimité de notre démocratie? C'est là qu'un passage par l'histoire des idées s'impose. Comme l'avait montré Leo Strauss, la fracture de la politique moderne a consisté, avec Machiavel, dans le fait d'abandonner l'exigence de vertu au service du bien commun qui était le but de la politique traditionnelle. Non sans arguments, Machiavel, puis Hobbes, Locke et les Lumières ont considéré que l'écart entre l'objectif des Anciens et leur pratique était trop important. Il a donc fallu abaisser le seuil d'exigence de la conduite politique: remplacer l'objectif de bien gouverner par celui de prendre ou garder le pouvoir, troquer la quête de la vertu pour la recherche de la force et de la ruse (Machiavel) ; chercher la division et la neutralisation des pouvoirs pour garantir la paix civile (Montesquieu). Toutes ces stratégies ont abouti sur le plan des institutions à une démocratie qui a pu fonctionner sur des mécanismes électifs garantissant l'expression des diverses opinions et sur des institutions permettant l'équilibre ou l'alternance des pouvoirs. Mais ces institutions étaient ancrées sur d'anciens réflexes, et notamment sur la création d'une élite, ou pourrait-on dire d'une aristocratie certes non héréditaire, mais encore marquée par le souci d'un bien commun, d'un certain esprit de service, d'un souci d'honnêteté (pensons à de Gaulle payant les factures d'électricité de l'Elysée relatives à sa consommation personnelle!). L'effondrement des principes éthiques, la mise entre parenthèse de la notion de bien commun, la foi en un complet relativisme des conceptions du bien ont réduit à néant cet héritage. Désormais, plus rien ne vient obliger les politiques, rien ne vient transcender leurs objectifs de carrière, leurs accords partisans, leur appétit de pouvoir. La démocratie a oublié ce que Rousseau avait rappelé: elle peut encore moins vivre sans vertu, au sens des qualités requises pour agir en fonction du bien, que l'aristocratie ou la monarchie. Les Anciens le savaient, les Modernes tant qu'ils ont gardé cette mémoire le savaient encore. Les postmodernes que nous sommes l'avons oublié. La démocratie s'est recroquevillée sur un mécanisme purement procédural. Seul compte le sacre de l'élection pour légitimer le pouvoir alors que la politique ancienne savait que, quel que soit le mode de désignation des gouvernants, leur légitimité tenait à leur souci du bien commun. Cette exigence s'est perdue. L'adhésion aux institutions, le sentiment d'appartenance au corps social, risquent de se dissoudre dans le triomphe de l'individualisme, du consumérisme et du relativisme. Retrouver le souci du bien commun est devenu une urgence politique.

François Huguenin (Figarovox, 23 mars 2014)

mercredi, 26 mars 2014

Putin’s Triumph

youll-never-catch-putin-in-a-skirt-in-fact-his-persona-is-more-like-that-of-a-lumberjackwarrior-here-putin-recharges-on-a-visit-to-the-siberian-khakasiya-region.jpg

Putin’s Triumph

Ex: http://orientalreview.org/

By Israel SHAMIR (Israel)

Nobody expected events to move on with such a breath-taking speed. The Russians took their time; they sat on the fence and watched while the Brown storm-troopers conquered Kiev, and they watched while Mrs Victoria Nuland of the State Department and her pal Yatsenyuk (“Yats”) slapped each other’s backs and congratulated themselves on their quick victory. They watched when President Yanukovych escaped to Russia to save his skin. They watched when the Brown bands moved eastwards to threaten the Russian-speaking South East. They patiently listened while Mme Timoshenko, fresh out of gaol, swore to void treaties with Russia and to expel the Russian Black Sea Fleet from its main harbour in Sevastopol. They paid no heed when the new government appointed oligarchs to rule Eastern provinces. Nor did they react when children in Ukrainian schools were ordered to sing “Hang a Russian on a thick branch” and the oligarch-governor’s deputy promised to hang dissatisfied Russians of the East as soon as Crimea is pacified. While these fateful events unravelled, Putin kept silence.

He is a cool cucumber, Mr Putin. Everybody, including this writer, thought he was too nonchalant about Ukraine’s collapse. He waited patiently. The Russians made a few slow and hesitant, almost stealthy moves. The marines Russia had based in Crimea by virtue of an international agreement (just as the US has marines in Bahrain) secured Crimea’s airports and roadblocks, provided necessary support to the volunteers of the Crimean militia (called Self-Defence Forces), but remained under cover. The Crimean parliament asserted its autonomy and promised a plebiscite in a month time. And all of a sudden things started to move real fast!

The poll was moved up to Sunday, March 16. Even before it could take place, the Crimean Parliament declared Crimea’s independence. The poll’s results were spectacular: 96% of the votes were for joining Russia; the level of participation was unusually high – over 84%. Not only ethnic Russians, but ethnic Ukrainians and Tatars voted for reunification with Russia as well. A symmetrical poll in Russia showed over 90% popular support for reunification with Crimea, despite liberals’ fear-mongering (“this will be too costly, the sanctions will destroy Russian economy, the US will bomb Moscow”, they said).

Even then, the majority of experts and talking heads expected the situation to remain suspended for a long while. Some thought Putin would eventually recognise Crimean independence, while stalling on final status, as he did with Ossetia and Abkhazia after the August 2008 war with Tbilisi. Others, especially Russian liberals, were convinced Putin would surrender Crimea in order to save Russian assets in the Ukraine.

 

Vladimir Putin delivering his address on reunification with Crimea. Source: Kremlin.ru

Vladimir Putin delivering his address on reunification with Crimea. Source: Kremlin.ru

But Putin justified the Russian proverb: the Russians take time to saddle their horses, but they ride awfully fast. He recognised Crimea’s independence on Monday, before the ink on the poll’s results dried.  The next day, on Tuesday, he gathered all of Russia’s senior statesmen and parliamentarians (video) in the biggest, most glorious and elegant St George state hall in the Kremlin, lavishly restored to its Imperial glory, and declared Russia’s acceptance of Crimea’s reunification bid. Immediately after his speech, the treaty between Crimea and Russia was signed, and the peninsula reverted to Russia as it was before 1954, when Communist Party leader Khrushchev passed it to the Ukrainian Soviet Republic.

This was an event of supreme elation for the gathered politicians and for people at home watching it live on their tellies. The vast St George Hall applauded Putin as never before. The Russians felt immense pride: they still remember the stinging defeat of 1991, when their country was taken apart. Regaining Crimea was a wonderful reverse for them. There were public festivities in honour of this reunification all over Russia and especially in joyous Crimea.

Historians have compared the event with the restoration of Russian sovereignty over Crimea in 1870, almost twenty years after the Crimean War had ended with Russia’s defeat, when severe limitations on Russian rights in Crimea were imposed by victorious France and Britain. Now the Black Sea Fleet will be able to develop and sail freely again, enabling it to defend Syria in the next round. Though Ukrainians ran down the naval facilities and turned the most advanced submarine harbour of Balaclava into shambles, the potential is there.

Besides the pleasure of getting this lost bit of land back, there was the additional joy of outwitting the adversary. The American neocons arranged the coup in Ukraine and sent the unhappy country crashing down, but the first tangible fruit of this break up went to Russia.

A new Jewish joke was coined at that time:

Israeli President Peres asks the Russian President:

-        Vladimir, are you of Jewish ancestry?

-        Putin: What makes you think so, Shimon?

-        Peres: You made the US pay five billion dollars to deliver Crimea to Russia. Even for a Jew, that is audacious!

Five billion dollars is a reference to Victoria Nuland’s admission of having spent that much for democratisation (read: destabilisation) of the Ukraine. President Putin snatched victory from the jaws of defeat, and US hegemony suffered a set-back.

The US Ambassador to the UN Samantha Power screaming at the Russian counterpart Vitaly Churkin after Russia has blocked the US draft resolution "on situation in Ukraine" at the Security Council meeting on March 15, 2014.

The US Ambassador to the UN Samantha Power screaming at the Russian counterpart Vitaly Churkin after Russia has blocked the US draft resolution “on situation in Ukraine” at the Security Council meeting on March 15, 2014.

The Russians enjoyed the sight of their UN representative Vitaly Churkin coping with a near-assault by Samantha Power. The Irish-born US rep came close to bodily attacking the elderly grey-headed Russian diplomat telling him that “Russia was defeated (presumably in 1991 – ISH) and should bear the consequences… Russia is blackmailing the US with its nuclear weapons,” while Churkin asked her to keep her hands off him and stop foaming at the mouth. This was not the first hostile encounter between these twain: a month ago, Samantha entertained a Pussy Riot duo, and Churkin said she should join the group and embark on a concert tour.

The US Neocons’ role in the Kiev coup was clarified by two independent exposures. Wonderful Max Blumenthal and Rania Khalek showed that the anti-Russian campaign of recent months (gay protests, Wahl affair, etc.) was organised by the Zionist Neocon PNAC (now renamed FPI) led by Mr Robert Kagan, husband of Victoria “Fuck EC” Nuland. It seems that the Neocons are hell-bent to undermine Russia by all means, while the Europeans are much more flexible. (True, the US troops are still stationed in Europe, and the old continent is not as free to act as it might like).

The second exposé was an interview with Alexander Yakimenko, the head of Ukrainian Secret Services (SBU) who had escaped to Russia like his president. Yakimenko accused Andriy Parubiy, the present security czar, of making a deal with the Americans. On American instructions, he delivered weapons and brought snipers who killed some 70 persons within few hours. They killed the riot police and the protesters as well.

The US Neocon-led conspiracy in Kiev was aimed against the European attempt to reach a compromise with President Yanukovych, said the SBU chief. They almost agreed on all points, but Ms Nuland wanted to derail the agreement, and so she did – with the help of a few snipers.

These snipers were used again in Crimea: a sniper shot and killed a Ukrainian soldier. When the Crimean self-defence forces began their pursuit, the sniper shot at them, killed one and wounded one. It is the same pattern: snipers are used to provoke response and hopefully to jump-start a shootout.

Novorossia

While Crimea was a walkover, the Russians are far from being home and dry. Now, the confrontation moved to the Eastern and South-Eastern provinces of mainland Ukraine, called Novorossia (New Russia) before the Communist Revolution of 1917. Alexander Solzhenitsyn in his later years predicted that Ukraine’s undoing would come from its being overburdened by industrial provinces that never belonged to the Ukraine before Lenin, – by Russian-speaking Novorossia. This prediction is likely to be fulfilled.

Who fights whom over there? It is a great error to consider the conflict a tribal one, between Russians and Ukrainians. Good old Pat Buchanan made this error saying that “Vladimir Putin is a blood-and-soil, altar-and-throne ethno-nationalist who sees himself as Protector of Russia and looks on Russians abroad the way Israelis look upon Jews abroad, as people whose security is his legitimate concern.” Nothing could be farther away from truth: perhaps only the outlandish claim that Putin is keen on restoring the Russian Empire can compete.

Putin is not an empire-builder at all (to great regret of Russia’s communists and nationalists). Even his quick takeover of Crimea was an action forced upon him by the strong-willed people of Crimea and by the brazen aggression of the Kiev regime. I have it on a good authority that Putin hoped he would not have to make this decision. But when he decided he acted.

The ethno-nationalist assertion of Buchanan is even more misleading. Ethno-nationalists of Russia are Putin’s enemies; they support the Ukrainian ethno-nationalists and march together with Jewish liberals on Moscow street demos. Ethno-nationalism is as foreign to Russians as it is foreign to the English. You can expect to meet a Welsh or Scots nationalist, but an English nationalist is an unnatural rarity. Even the English Defence League was set up by a Zionist Jew. Likewise, you can find a Ukrainian or a Belarusian or a Cossack nationalist, but practically never a Russian one.

Putin is a proponent and advocate of non-nationalist Russian world. What is the Russian world?

Russian World

Pavel Ryzhenko "A photo in memoriam" painting (2007) depicting the last Russian Emperor Nikolay II with family visiting a military camp during WWI.

Pavel Ryzhenko “A photo in memoriam” painting (2007) depicting the last Russian Emperor Nikolay II with family visiting a military camp during WWI.

Russians populate their own vast universe embracing many ethnic units of various background, from Mongols and Karels to Jews and Tatars. Until 1991, they populated an even greater land mass (called the Soviet Union, and before that, the Russian Empire) where Russian was the lingua franca and the language of daily usage for majority of citizens. Russians could amass this huge empire because they did not discriminate and did not hog the blanket. Russians are amazingly non-tribal, to an extent unknown in smaller East European countries, but similar to other great Eastern Imperial nations, the Han Chinese and the Turks before the advent of Young Turks and Ataturk. The Russians did not assimilate but partly acculturated their neighbours for whom Russian language and culture became the gateway to the world. The Russians protected and supported local cultures, as well, at their expense, for they enjoy this diversity.

Before 1991, the Russians promoted a universalist humanist world-view; nationalism was practically banned, and first of all, Russian nationalism. No one was persecuted or discriminated because of his ethnic origin (yes, Jews complained, but they always complain). There was some positive discrimination in the Soviet republics, for instance a Tajik would have priority to study medicine in the Tajik republic, before a Russian or a Jew; and he would be able to move faster up the ladder in the Party and politics. Still the gap was small.

After 1991, this universalist world-view was challenged by a parochial and ethno-nationalist one in all ex-Soviet republics save Russia and Belarus. Though Russia ceased to be Soviet, it retained its universalism. In the republics, people of Russian culture were severely discriminated against, often fired from their working places, in worst cases they were expelled or killed. Millions of Russians, natives of the republics, became refugees; together with them, millions of non-Russians who preferred Russian universalist culture to “their own” nationalist and parochial one fled to Russia. That is why modern Russia has millions of Azeris, Armenians, Georgians, Tajiks, Latvians and of smaller ethnic groups from the republics. Still, despite discrimination, millions of Russians and people of Russian culture remained in the republics, where their ancestors lived for generations, and the Russian language became a common ground for all non-nationalist forces.

If one wants to compare with Israel, as Pat Buchanan did, it is the republics, such as Ukraine, Georgia, Uzbekistan, Estonia do follow Israeli model of discriminating and persecuting their “ethnic minorities”, while Russia follows the West European model of equality.

France vs Occitania

In order to understand the Russia-Ukraine problem, compare it with France. Imagine it divided into North and South France, the North retaining the name of France, while the South of France calling itself “Occitania”, and its people “Occitans”, their language “Occitan”. The government of Occitania would force the people to speak Provençal, learn Frederic Mistral’s poems by rote and teach children to hate the French, who had devastated their beautiful land in the Albigensian Crusade of 1220. France would just gnash its teeth. Now imagine that after twenty years, the power in Occitania were violently seized by some romantic southern fascists who were keen to eradicate “800 years of Frank domination” and intend to discriminate against people who prefer to speak the language of Victor Hugo and Albert Camus. Eventually France would be forced to intervene and defend francophones, at least in order to stem the refugee influx. Probably the Southern francophones of Marseilles and Toulon would support the North against “their own” government, though they are not migrants from Normandy.

Putin defends all Russian-speakers, all ethnic minorities, such as Gagauz or Abkhaz, not only ethnic Russians. He defends the Russian World, all those russophones who want and need his protection. This Russian World definitely includes many, perhaps majority of people in the Ukraine, ethnic Russians, Jews, small ethnic groups and ethnic Ukrainians, in Novorossia and in Kiev.

Indeed Russian world was and is attractive. The Jews were happy to forget their schtetl and Yiddish; their best poets Pasternak and Brodsky wrote in Russian and considered themselves Russian. Still, some minor poets used Yiddish for their self-expression. The Ukrainians, as well, used Russian for literature, though they spoke their dialect at home for long time. Nikolai Gogol, the great Russian writer of Ukrainian origin, wrote Russian, and he was dead set against literary usage of the Ukrainian dialect. There were a few minor Romantic figures who used the dialect for creative art, like Taras Shevchenko and Lesya Ukrainka.

Solzhenitsyn wrote: “Even ethnic-Ukrainians do not use and do not know Ukrainian. In order to promote its use, the Ukrainian government bans Russian schools, forbids Russian TV, even librarians are not allowed to speak Russian with their readers. This anti-Russian position of Ukraine is exactly what the US wants in order to weaken Russia.“

Putin in his speech on Crimea stressed that he wants to secure the Russian world – everywhere in the Ukraine. In Novorossia the need is acute, for there are daily confrontations between the people and the gangs sent by the Kiev regime. While Putin does not yet want (as opposed to Solzhenitsyn and against general Russian feeling) to take over Novorossia, he may be forced to it, as he was in Crimea. There is a way to avoid this major shift: the Ukraine must rejoin the Russian world. While keeping its independence, Ukraine must grant full equality to its Russian language speakers. They should be able to have Russian-language schools, newspapers, TV, be entitled to use Russian everywhere. Anti-Russian propaganda must cease. And fantasies of joining NATO, too.

This is not an extraordinary demand: Latinos in the US are allowed to use Spanish. In Europe, equality of languages and cultures is a sine qua non. Only in the ex-Soviet republics are these rights trampled – not only in Ukraine, but in the Baltic republics as well. For twenty years, Russia made do with weak objections, when Russian-speakers (the majority of them are not ethnic Russians) in the Baltic states were discriminated against. This is likely to change. Lithuania and Latvia have already paid for their anti-Russian position by losing their profitable transit trade with Russia. Ukraine is much more important for Russia. Unless the present regime is able to change (not very likely), this illegitimate regime will be changed by people of Ukraine, and Russia will use R2P against the criminal elements in power.

The majority of people of Ukraine would probably agree with Putin, irrespective of their ethnicity. Indeed, in the Crimean referendum, Ukrainians and Tatars voted en masse together with Russians. This is a positive sign: there will be no ethnic strife in the Ukraine’s East, despite US efforts to the contrary. The decision time is coming up fast: some experts presume that by end of May the Ukrainian crisis will be behind us.

Source: CounterPunch

Neocons’ Ukraine-Syria-Iran Gambit

Neocons’ Ukraine-Syria-Iran Gambit

by Robert Parry

Ex: RINF Alternative News

You might think that policymakers with so many bloody fiascos on their résumés as the U.S. neocons, including the catastrophic Iraq War, would admit their incompetence and return home to sell insurance or maybe work in a fast-food restaurant. Anything but directing the geopolitical decisions of the world’s leading superpower.

But Official Washington’s neocons are nothing if not relentless and resilient. They are also well-funded and well-connected. So they won’t do the honorable thing and disappear. They keep hatching new schemes and strategies to keep the world stirred up and to keep their vision of world domination – and particularly “regime change” in the Middle East – alive.

Now, the neocons have stoked a confrontation over Ukraine, involving two nuclear-armed states, the United States and Russia. But – even if nuclear weapons don’t come into play – the neocons have succeeded in estranging U.S. President Barack Obama from Russian President Vladimir Putin and sabotaging the pair’s crucial cooperation on Iran and Syria, which may have been the point all along.

Though the Ukraine crisis has roots going back decades, the chronology of the recent uprising — and the neocon interest in it – meshes neatly with neocon fury over Obama and Putin working together to avert a U.S. military strike against Syria last summer and then brokering an interim nuclear agreement with Iran last fall that effectively took a U.S. bombing campaign against Iran off the table.

With those two top Israeli priorities – U.S. military attacks on Syria and Iran – sidetracked, the American neocons began activating their influential media and political networks to counteract the Obama-Putin teamwork. The neocon wedge to splinter Obama away from Putin was driven into Ukraine.

Operating out of neocon enclaves in the U.S. State Department and at U.S.-funded non-governmental organizations, led by the National Endowment for Democracy, neocon operatives targeted Ukraine even before the recent political unrest began shaking apart the country’s fragile ethnic and ideological cohesion.

Last September, as the prospects for a U.S. military strike against Syria were fading thanks to Putin, NED president Carl Gershman, who is something of a neocon paymaster controlling more than $100 million in congressionally approved funding each year, took to the pages of the neocon-flagship Washington Post and wrote that Ukraine was now “the biggest prize.”

But Gershman added that Ukraine was really only an interim step to an even bigger prize, the removal of the strong-willed and independent-minded Putin, who, Gershman added, “may find himself on the losing end not just in the near abroad [i.e. Ukraine] but within Russia itself.” In other words, the new hope was for “regime change” in Kiev and Moscow.

Putin had made himself a major annoyance in Neocon World, particularly with his diplomacy on Syria that defused a crisis over a Sarin attack outside Damascus on Aug. 21, 2013. Despite the attack’s mysterious origins – and the absence of any clear evidence proving the Syrian government’s guilt – the U.S. State Department and the U.S. news media rushed to the judgment that Syrian President Bashar al-Assad did it.

Politicians and pundits baited Obama with claims that Assad had brazenly crossed Obama’s “red line” by using chemical weapons and that U.S. “credibility” now demanded military retaliation. A longtime Israeli/neocon goal, “regime change” in Syria, seemed within reach.

But Putin brokered a deal in which Assad agreed to surrender Syria’s chemical weapons arsenal (even as he continued to deny any role in the Sarin attack). The arrangement was a huge letdown for the neocons and Israeli officials who had been drooling over the prospect that a U.S. bombing campaign would bring Assad to his knees and deliver a strategic blow against Iran, Israel’s current chief enemy.

Putin then further offended the neocons and the Israeli government by helping to facilitate an interim nuclear deal with Iran, making another neocon/Israeli priority, a U.S. war against Iran, less likely.

Putting Putin in Play

So, the troublesome Putin had to be put in play. And, NED’s Gershman was quick to note a key Russian vulnerability, neighboring Ukraine, where a democratically elected but corrupt president, Viktor Yanukovych, was struggling with a terrible economy and weighing whether to accept a European aid offer, which came with many austerity strings attached, or work out a more generous deal with Russia.

There was already a strong U.S.-organized political/media apparatus in place for destabilizing Ukraine’s government. Gershman’s NED had 65 projects operating in the country – training “activists,” supporting “journalists” and organizing business groups, according to its latest report. (NED was created in 1983 to do in relative openness what the CIA had long done in secret, nurture pro-U.S. operatives under the umbrella of “promoting democracy.”)

So, when Yanukovych opted for Russia’s more generous $15 billion aid package, the roof fell in on him. In a speech to Ukrainian business leaders last December, Assistant Secretary of State for European Affairs, Victoria Nuland, a neocon holdover and the wife of prominent neocon Robert Kagan, reminded the group that the U.S. had invested $5 billion in Ukraine’s “European aspirations.”

Then, urged on by Nuland and neocon Sen. John McCain, protests in the capital of Kiev turned increasingly violent with neo-Nazi militias moving to the fore. Unidentified snipers opened fire on protesters and police, touching off fiery clashes that killed some 80 people (including about a dozen police officers).

On Feb. 21, in a desperate attempt to tamp down the violence, Yanukovych signed an agreement brokered by European countries. He agreed to surrender many of his powers, to hold early elections (so he could be voted out of office), and pull back the police. That last step, however, opened the way for the neo-Nazi militias to overrun government buildings and force Yanukovych to flee for his life.

With these modern-day storm troopers controlling key buildings – and brutalizing Yanukovych supporters – a  rump Ukrainian parliament voted, in an extra-constitutional fashion, to remove Yanukovych from office. This coup-installed regime, with far-right parties controlling four ministries including defense, received immediate U.S. and European Union recognition as Ukraine’s “legitimate” government.

As remarkable – and newsworthy – as it was that a government on the European continent included Nazis in the executive branch for the first time since World War II, the U.S. news media performed as it did before the Iraq War and during various other international crises. It essentially presented the neocon-preferred narrative and treated the presence of the neo-Nazis as some kind of urban legend.

Virtually across the board, from Fox News to MSNBC, from the Washington Post to the New York Times, the U.S. press corps fell in line, painting Yanukovych and Putin as the “black-hat” villains and the coup regime as the “white-hat” good guys, which required, of course, whiting out the neo-Nazi “brown shirts.”

Neocon Expediency

Some neocon defenders have challenged my reporting that U.S. neocons played a significant role in the Ukrainian putsch. One argument is that the neocons, who regard the U.S.-Israeli bond as inviolable, would not knowingly collaborate with neo-Nazis given the history of the Holocaust (and indeed the role of Ukrainian Nazi collaborators in extermination campaigns against Poles and Jews).

But the neocons have frequently struck alliances of convenience with some of the most unsavory – and indeed anti-Semitic – forces on earth, dating back to the Reagan administration and its collaboration with Latin American “death squad” regimes, including work with the World Anti-Communist League that included not only neo-Nazis but aging real Nazis.

More recently in Syria, U.S. neocons (and Israeli leaders) are so focused on ousting Assad, an ally of hated Iran, that they have cooperated with Saudi Arabia’s Sunni monarchy (known for its gross anti-Semitism). Israeli officials have even expressed a preference for Saudi-backed Sunni extremists winning in Syria if that is the only way to get rid of Assad and hurt his allies in Iran and Lebanon’s Hezbollah.

Last September, Israel’s Ambassador to the United States Michael Oren told the Jerusalem Post that Israel so wanted Assad out and his Iranian backers weakened, that Israel would accept al-Qaeda operatives taking power in Syria.

“The greatest danger to Israel is by the strategic arc that extends from Tehran, to Damascus to Beirut. And we saw the Assad regime as the keystone in that arc,” Oren said in the interview. “We always wanted Bashar Assad to go, we always preferred the bad guys who weren’t backed by Iran to the bad guys who were backed by Iran.”

Oren said that was Israel’s view even if the other “bad guys” were affiliated with al-Qaeda.

Oren, who was Israel’s point man in dealing with Official Washington’s neocons, is considered very close to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and reflects his views. For decades, U.S. neocons have supported Netanyahu and his hardline Likud Party, including as strategists on his 1996 campaign for prime minister when neocons such as Richard Perle and Douglas Feith developed the original “regime change” strategy. [For details, see Consortiumnews.com’s “The Mysterious Why of the Iraq War.”]

In other words, Israel and its U.S. neocon supporters have been willing to collaborate with extreme right-wing and even anti-Semitic forces if that advances their key geopolitical goals, such as maneuvering the U.S. government into military confrontations with Syria and Iran.

So, while it may be fair to assume that neocons like Nuland and McCain would have preferred that the Ukraine coup had been spearheaded by militants who weren’t neo-Nazis – or, for that matter, that the Syrian rebels were not so dominated by al-Qaeda-affiliated extremists – the neocons (and their Israeli allies) see these tactical collaborations as sometimes necessary to achieve overarching strategic priorities.

And, since their current strategic necessity is to scuttle the fragile negotiations over Syria and Iran, which otherwise might negate the possibility of U.S. military strikes against those two countries, the Putin-Obama collaboration had to go.

By spurring on the violent overthrow of Ukraine’s elected president, the neocons helped touch off a cascade of events – now including Crimea’s secession from Ukraine and its annexation by Russia – that have raised tensions and provoked Western retaliation against Russia. The crisis also has made the continued Obama-Putin teamwork on Syria and Iran extremely difficult, if not impossible.

Like other neocon-engineered schemes, there will surely be much collateral damage in this latest one. For instance, if the tit-for-tat economic retaliations escalate – and Russian gas supplies are disrupted – Europe’s fragile recovery could be tipped back into recession, with harmful consequences for the U.S. economy, too.

There’s also the certainty that congressional war hawks and neocon pundits will press for increased U.S. military spending and aggressive tactics elsewhere in the world to punish Putin, meaning even less money and attention for domestic programs or deficit reduction. Obama’s “nation-building at home” will be forgotten.

But the neocons have long made it clear that their vision for the world – one of America’s “full-spectrum dominance” and “regime change” in Middle Eastern countries opposed to Israel – overrides all other national priorities. And as long as the neocons face no accountability for the havoc that they wreak, they will continue working Washington’s corridors of power, not selling insurance or flipping hamburgers.

Investigative reporter Robert Parry broke many of the Iran-Contra stories for The Associated Press and Newsweek in the 1980s. You can buy his new book, America’s Stolen Narrative, either in print here or as an e-book (from Amazon and barnesandnoble.com). For a limited time, you also can order Robert Parry’s trilogy on the Bush Family and its connections to various right-wing operatives for only $34. The trilogy includes America’s Stolen Narrative. For details on this offer, click here.

Who Has Been More Aggressive?

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Who Has Been More Aggressive?

Who has been more aggressive, George H.W. Bush in Panama or Vladimir Putin in Crimea? Who has been more aggressive, the U.S. in its actions against Noriega or Russia with respect to Crimea?

These two situations differ but they are comparable in important respects. The U.S. launched a full-scale invasion of Panama. Russia, whatever it did in Crimea, it didn’t launch a full-scale invasion. The U.S. was trying to get rid of Noriega for some years. Russia had not been trying to annex Crimea. It acted in response to Ukraine events in a region it deemed very important just as the U.S. acted in a region it deemed important for reasons of its own. What were they? I won’t go into the detail this invasion deserves. Let’s see what George H.W. Bush’s invasion message said.

“For nearly two years, the United States, nations of Latin America and the Caribbean have worked together to resolve the crisis in Panama. The goals of the United States have been to safeguard the lives of Americans, to defend democracy in Panama, to combat drug trafficking and to protect the integrity of the Panama Canal Treaty. Many attempts have been made to resolve this crisis through diplomacy and negotiations. All were rejected by the dictator of Panama, Gen. Manuel Noriega, an indicted drug trafficker. Last Friday, Noriega declared his military dictatorship to be in a state of war with the United States and publicly threatened the lives of Americans in Panama. The very next day forces under his command shot and killed an unarmed American serviceman, wounded another, arrested and brutally beat a third American serviceman and then brutally interrogated his wife, threatening her with sexual abuse. That was enough.”

The Russians have made the claim too of safeguarding Russians as well as their bases. They too have made the claim of safeguarding democracy and there has been a vote to back that claim up. No drug trafficking is involved in Crimea, but that was a poor excuse for Bush to have used anyway. Russia has made the claim that the coup in Ukraine introduced a rogue government just as the U.S. made claims against Noriega. Bush mentioned the failure of negotiations. Whatever they were or weren’t or how they were handled, let’s note that the Ukrainian government had reached an agreement on Feb. 21 that was soon broken by violent mob activity. This was in Ukraine, not Crimea, but there is a political link and it does provide Russia with a parallel rationale that it has used.

These comparisons suggest, at a minimum and understating the case, that the Russians have not behaved in a way that differs that much from how the U.S. has behaved. But in fact the Russian actions have been much milder. There has been no big invasion. A vote was held. The Russians had standing treaty rights in Crimea.

Bush also claimed that Noriega declared war against the U.S. This claim inverted the truth. Noriega said that the U.S. had declared war on Panama. See author Theodore H. Draper’s work on that claim. I quote Draper:

“As I have now learned, Bush’s statement was, at best, a half-truth, at worst a flagrant distortion. On December 15, Noriega had not simply declared war on the United States. He said, in effect, that the United States had declared war on Panama, and that, therefore, Panama was in a state of war with the United States. Just what Noriega said was known or available in Washington by December 16 at the latest. How Noriega’s words came across as a simple declaration of war is a case history of official management of the news and negligence by the press.

“The key passage in Noriega’s speech on December 15 accused the President of the United States of having ‘invoked the powers of war against Panama’ and ‘through constant psychological and military harassment of having created a state of war in Panama, daily insulting our sovereignty and territorial integrity.’ He appealed for ‘a common front to respond to the aggression,’ and stressed ‘the urgency to unite as one to fight against the aggressor.’

“The resolution on December 15 by the Panama Assembly also took this line—’To declare the Republic of Panama in a state of war for the duration of the aggression unleashed against the Panamanian people by the US Government.’”

This war item may appear to digress from the comparison because the Crimean situation doesn’t involve antagonism between Russia and Crimea, whereas the Panama-U.S. situation did. Its relevance is that the U.S. went considerably further militarily in Panama than Russia did in Crimea, using a false and exaggerated claim as an important reason.

Let us reach a conclusion. If the U.S. could launch a large-scale aggression against the government of Panama for some reasons similar to those invoked by Russia (protection of citizens and democracy) and for one unjustifiable reason (drugs), and also with a lie or half-truth (Noriega unilaterally declaring war on the U.S.), then do not the Russian actions in Crimea, where it has treaty rights for bases and military personnel and where it has a longstanding interest in an adjacent strategic region, appear not to be anything excessive as such things go and far milder than the U.S. action in Panama? This seems to be an inescapable conclusion.

If Russia is the big bad bogeyman in Crimea, what was the U.S. in Panama in 1989? If the U.S. claimed noble aims and getting rid of a criminal in Panama’s government, how far different are the Russian claims that the Crimeans have a right to dissociate from a criminal gang in Kiev and to do so by a peaceful vote? Whose actions are milder, those of the Russians in Crimea or those of the U.S. in Panama? Whose actions are more aggressive, those of the Russians in Crimea or those of the U.S. in Panama? It may be that the Russians will invade Ukraine itself, in which case they will be open to much greater and more severe criticism. For the moment, we are addressing Crimea.

There is a difference between Panama and Crimea in that Crimea has voted to join the Russian Federation whereas Panama was a separate country and remains so. However, the U.S., having once invaded the country, obviously has reserved its option, by violence if necessary, to make and unmake Panama’s government at its will and according to its interests.

Seen against this comparison, the statements being made by top U.S. officials or former officials like Hillary Clinton, that Putin is a new Hitler, are wild exaggerations. If Russia has violated international law through its activities surrounding the Crimean vote, as the warmongers in the U.S. shout, how much more did Bush’s invasion of Panama violate international law? And, by the way, how could Bush invade Panama and then inform Congress when it is Congress that must declare war? And how could Bush invade Panama without a U.N. Security Council Resolution authorizing it? This U.S. invasion was not even a case of applying the already-expansive Monroe Doctrine, for there was no foreign force invading this hemisphere.

I have not explained why Bush invaded Panama or why the U.S. was so concerned about Noriega in the years preceding that invasion. I have limited the discussion to one question, which is this. Who has been more aggressive, George H.W. Bush in Panama or Vladimir Putin in Crimea? I think it’s evident that Bush was far more aggressive.

Before too many U.S. officials get too upset over Putin, before they absorb too much of the neocon warmongering nonsense and exaggerations, before they lead the U.S. into dangerous confrontations for which there is no need, before they shock the world’s economy with armed confrontations, it would pay them on behalf of Americans in this land to study their own history as well as that of Russia and to gain some much needed perspective so that they can behave with at least some degree of maturity and statesman-like wisdom.

The time is long past for those in Washington and throughout this land who understand and despise the neocon ideas to stand up against them and marginalize them. The neocons should be viewed, not as a constraint on appropriate political actions and responses, but as a spent moral force lacking in moral standing that has been wrong time and again in recommending actions that supposedly benefitted Americans but in reality have dragged this country further and further down.

Remaking the world, freeing peoples, playing global saviour, acting as the world’s policeman, and attempting to be the world’s conscience have all got to be seen as bad and wrong for any state. States cannot do any of these things without becoming monsters of power who are creatures of their own interests and their own bureaucracies who oppress the people they rule. The wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Libya and Syria should all attest to that. Even the Vietnam War should attest to that.

A  state that has the power to do supposedly good things will invariably have the power to do very bad things, and it will. This is both basic human nature and the basic outcome of bureaucratic governments. Power corrupts. Of equal importance is that any such state will consist of bureaucracies that do the actual ruling, and they become self-perpetuating and separated from the interests of the people for whom they are supposedly doing good. Instead, they become unjust, out for themselves, corrupt, slow to act, inconsistent in their actions, and impervious to accountability.

The basic neocon idea is that of an expanding U.S. hegemony according to U.S. political ideas and blueprints. The idea is a monopoly of power, a superpower. This is the basic idea of empire, and it is both bad and wrong, practically and morally. A monopoly on power is the wrong way to strive for the good. The good needs to be constantly discovered and re-discovered at a decentralized level, within each person’s mind and conscience. A person’s own life and willing associations with others provide more than ample scope for challenging a person to figure out what is good and bad as well as what is right and wrong. No one person and certainly no one powerful state knows the good or can achieve it. The good is not provided in any blueprint. It is always a work in progress, dependent on local and individual details and conditions that are unknown to state powers. The attempts by states to achieve the abstract good must fail. They are going against the nature of the human condition.

America has a very serious problem, which is that both parties stand for the empire and the neocon ideas are very much tied in with the ideas that ground the empire. Right now, the empire is viewed by far too many people as good and right. As long as those who might separate themselves from neocon ideas and criticize them strenuously remain locked in support of the empire and/or reluctant to take issue with it, both parties are going to be tools of neocon thinking.

mardi, 25 mars 2014

Alaska was Russian...

 

lundi, 24 mars 2014

Entretien avec Anne-Marie Le Pourhiet sur l'Union européenne

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L'UE est une hydre technocratique manipulée par les lobbies...

Nous reproduisons ci-dessous un entretien donné par Anne-Marie Le Pourhiet au Cercle Poincaré. Professeur de droit public à l'université de Rennes-I et spécialiste du droit constitutionnel, Anne-Marie Le Pourhiet s'est fait connaître par la publication dans la grande presse de tribunes libres percutantes dans lesquelles elle défend avec talent des positions souverainistes orthodoxes.

 Ex: http://metapoinfos.hautetfort.com

Entretien avec Anne-Marie Le Pourhiet sur l'Union européenne

«Renationaliser le pouvoir de décision pour le repolitiser»

— Les élections des députés européens approchent. Les dernières échéances ont montré un fort désintérêt des citoyens de presque tous les pays pour ce suffrage, et certains sondages annoncent une majorité eurosceptique au Parlement européen. Dans cette hypothèse, quelle influence pourrait avoir cette « chambre introuvable » eurosceptique sur le fonctionnement, voire la réforme, de l'Union européenne ?

    Vous savez, je suis constitutionnaliste et non politologue et encore moins voyante, je serais donc bien incapable de vous dire ce que serait et ferait exactement cette chambre à majorité eurosceptique. Mais la logique voudrait qu’elle refuse d’adopter une grande partie de la législation envahissante que propose la Commission en invoquant systématiquement les principes de proportionnalité et de subsidiarité auxquels est consacré un protocole additif au traité de Lisbonne. Défendre l’autonomie des États et saboter les prétentions fédéralistes de l’Union devrait être le premier souci d’une telle chambre.

— Sauf que la nouveauté des élections européennes de 2014, introduite par le traité de Lisbonne, c'est que les têtes de liste des partis européens sont désormais transnationales, désignées au niveau de l'Union, et celle dont le parti sortira premier du scrutin aura de grandes chances d'être élue, à la majorité absolue de la nouvelle chambre, à la tête de la Commission européenne. Le traité de Lisbonne réalise-t-il ainsi l'aspiration que Jacques Delors exprimait en 1990 - rejetée avec vigueur par Margaret Thatcher à la Chambre des Communes, avec son fameux « No ! No ! No ! » - de créer un régime parlementaire fédéral en Europe, où l'exécutif procéderait du législatif et serait responsable devant lui ?

    Que le traité de Lisbonne ait des prétentions constitutionnelles n’a rien d’étonnant puisqu’il est la copie conforme du traité constitutionnel que les Français avaient rejeté et que Nicolas Sarkozy a cependant fait ratifier par les parlementaires, de gauche et de droite, réunis pour contourner le verdict populaire. Le divorce ne peut que s’accroître entre des institutions à prétention fédérale et des peuples rétifs à la supranationalité. Élire des listes anti-fédéralistes aux européennes est donc une bonne stratégie pour essayer de torpiller le système de l’intérieur.

— Ces élections européennes, instaurées en 1979, ont eu pour vocation de démocratiser le fonctionnement de l'UE, en instaurant un corps représentatif émanant directement des citoyens des États-membres. Or l'idée même de « démocratie européenne » est discutée, notamment par la Cour constitutionnelle de Karlsruhe, en Allemagne, qui, dans sa décision du 30 juin 2009, estime qu'en l'absence de peuple européen, il ne saurait y avoir de démocratie européenne possible. Dépourvue de demos, l'UE n'a-t-elle pas vocation à n'être qu'une organisation internationale ?

    Je vous rappelle que le Conseil constitutionnel lui-même a affirmé clairement, dans sa décision du 30 décembre 1976 (n°76-71 DC) relative à l’élection au suffrage universel direct de ceux que l’on appelait encore à l’époque les  « représentants des peuples des États-membres des communautés européennes », qu’ « aucune disposition de nature constitutionnelle n’autorise des transferts de tout ou partie de la souveraineté nationale à quelque organisation internationale que ce soit », que l’élection des eurodéputés au suffrage universel direct n’est pas « de nature à modifier la nature de cette assemblée qui demeure composée de représentants de chacun des peuples de ces États », que «  la souveraineté qui est définie à l’article 3 de la Constitution de la République française, tant dans son fondement que dans son exercice, ne peut être que nationale et que seuls peuvent être regardés comme participant à l’exercice de cette souveraineté les représentants du peuple français élus dans le cadre des institutions de la République ». Le Conseil conclut que « l’acte du 20 septembre 1976 est relatif à l’élection des membres d’une assemblée qui n’appartient pas à l’ordre institutionnel de la République française et qui ne participe pas à l’exercice de la souveraineté nationale ». Dans sa décision du 19 novembre 2004 (n° 2005-505 DC) relative au traité constitutionnel, il a encore rappelé que le parlement européen « n’est pas l’émanation de la souveraineté nationale ».

 Il n’empêche que les révisions constitutionnelles ad hoc auxquelles nous procédons avant la ratification de chaque nouveau traité obscurcissent la situation juridique et que le Conseil est contraint de rédiger des motivations complexes. Dans la même décision, après avoir constaté que les stipulations du traité constitutionnel concernant son entrée en vigueur, sa révision et sa possibilité de dénonciation lui conservent « le caractère d’un traité international » et que sa dénomination (constitution pour l’Europe) est « sans incidence sur l’existence de la constitution française et sa place au sommet de l’ordre juridique interne », il affirme cependant que « l’article 88-1 de la Constitution française, issu de la révision de 1992, consacre l’existence d’un ordre juridique communautaire intégré à l’ordre juridique interne et distinct de l’ordre juridique international ». C’est peu dire que le raisonnement est confus et que sa cohérence laisse à désirer. La Constitution française reste donc au sommet d’un ordre juridique interne auquel un traité international intègre cependant un ordre juridique externe distinct de l’ordre juridique international mais dont les normes priment sur le droit interne ! Allez comprendre !

En tout état de cause, il eût fallu s’entendre effectivement, depuis longtemps, sur le fait que l’Europe ne devait pas dépasser le stade d’une confédération et d’un marché, mais nul n’a été capable d’arrêter le délire mégalomaniaque qui inspire cette machine infernale.

— À ce propos, les évolutions récentes de la construction européenne laissent transparaître l'ascendant qu'a l'Allemagne sur le fonctionnement présent et futur de l'Union européenne. Pour autant, avec la décision de la Cour de Karlsruhe mentionnée plus haut, le juge constitutionnel allemand a clairement identifié les domaines où tout nouvel approfondissement de l'intégration européenne requerrait préalablement une réforme substantielle – et improbable - de la Loi fondamentale allemande. L'idée de construire les « États-Unis d'Europe », si elle existe encore, est-elle vouée à mourir à Karlsruhe ?

   Par rapport au Conseil constitutionnel français, la Cour constitutionnelle de Karlsruhe est obligée d’être beaucoup plus rigoureuse car les justiciables qui la saisissent produisent des recours rédigés par des juristes pointus, dont les arguments ne peuvent être évacués par des pirouettes. En outre la Constitution allemande consacre une forme de supra-constitutionnalité interdisant de réviser les principes posés à l’article 20, essentiellement le principe démocratique de souveraineté du peuple. La Cour est donc en effet condamnée à se montrer sévère et à déterminer un seuil au-delà duquel il ne serait plus possible de renforcer la supranationalité européenne dans le cadre de la loi fondamentale existante.

— Dès après sa réélection, Angela Merkel annonçait vouloir une réforme des traités européens pour 2015, notamment en faveur d'un renforcement de la gouvernance de la zone euro. David Cameron a quant à lui instauré une forme d'ultimatum à la réforme de l'Union européenne en fixant à 2017 le référendum d'appartenance du Royaume-Uni à l'UE. François Hollande préfère, de son côté, jouer la montre. Face à ces aspirations centrifuges des trois grandes puissances européennes, quelles devraient être, selon vous, les priorités d'une refonte de l'UE ?

    Les aspirations de Hollande et de Merkel ne me semblent pas « centrifuges », contrairement à celles de Cameron. Je dois dire que nous devons une fière chandelle aux conservateurs britanniques et que je ne peux m’empêcher de penser avec satisfaction : « Messieurs les Anglais, tirez-vous les premiers ! ». C’est aussi à eux, et à la conférence de Brighton qu’ils avaient convoquée, que l’on doit le protocole n°15 à la Convention européenne de sauvegarde des droits de l’homme introduisant expressément dans son préambule le respect du « principe de subsidiarité » et de la « marge nationale d’appréciation » que la Cour de Strasbourg a une fâcheuse tendance à piétiner.

    La priorité d’une refonte de l’Union consiste à changer complètement le mode de définition des compétences de l’union en s’inspirant d’un modèle confédéral et d’une répartition centrifuge et  statique à l’américaine plutôt que d’une répartition centripète et dynamique à l’allemande. Il faut impérativement renationaliser le pouvoir de décision pour le repolitiser et faire reculer cette hydre technocratique manipulée par des lobbies.

— Mais les adversaires d'une réforme de l'Union en faveur des États arguent souvent du caractère irréversible de la construction européenne. Le traité de Maastricht était d'ailleurs écrit dans cet esprit, alors que celui de Lisbonne ouvre une brèche avec l'article 50 du Traité sur l'Union européenne (TUE) qui permet le « retrait volontaire » d'un État-membre de l'Union. Que l'on parle de rapatriement de compétences ou d' « Europe à la carte » avec des coopérations renforcées entre certains États, comment pourrait-on concrètement, et juridiquement, mettre en œuvre cet éventuel détricotage de l'UE actuelle ?

    C’est d’une simplicité biblique ! Vous prenez les traités actuels, vous raturez partout et surtout vous réécrivez les dispositions essentielles définissant les « objectifs » de l’Union en des termes filandreux et sans fin, car ce sont partout ces objectifs qui justifient les compétences, rendant par là-même celles-ci illimitées. Il faut revoir tout cela « au karcher ». C’est très facile, il suffit de le vouloir.

— À l'occasion de l'adoption du pacte de stabilité, vous aviez dénoncé un texte qui, par le biais de la « règle d'or » budgétaire que certains voulaient inscrire dans la Constitution, importait en France la préférence allemande pour la règle. Votre position se fondait alors sur les différences de nature qui existent entre les modèles constitutionnels français et allemand ; ce dernier étant centré sur une Loi fondamentale précise et, dans une certaine mesure, exhaustive. Quels risques cette tendance fait-elle courir sur la lettre et l'esprit de la Constitution de la Ve République, et sur l'équilibre institutionnel qu'elle consacre ?

    Hélas, ce risque est depuis longtemps consommé. Voyez les révisions constitutionnelles qui se sont accumulées depuis les années 1990 et qui ont multiplié les dispositions lourdingues et indigestes dont certaines incompréhensibles avec des renvois à un arsenal complémentaire de lois organiques et ordinaires en cascade, c’est un hamburger juridique inspiré des façons de légiférer germaniques et européennes. Ceci s’observe dans des révisions qui ne sont pourtant pas directement « commandées » par l’Europe elle-même, comme celle de 2003 sur l’organisation décentralisée (encore que la Charte européenne de l’autonomie locale ait inspiré l’ensemble)  ou celle de 2008 sur la modernisation des institutions.  C’est une mode, un travers calamiteux, une véritable « addiction » à la norme, un « maldroit »  que je compare volontiers à la « malbouffe » nutritionnelle et qui débouche sur la même obésité. Voyez la proposition de loi constitutionnelle socialiste sur la ratification de la Charte européenne des langues régionales, c’est une parfaite caricature de cette pathologie.

— D'ailleurs, l'Union européenne semble se construire et se légitimer par la norme justement, que ce soit par l'orthodoxie budgétaire dans la gouvernance de la zone euro ou par l'inflation normative qui résulte de l'activisme de la Commission et du Parlement. En quoi est-ce un problème que le projet européen, à défaut d'avoir un objectif et une forme clairs, repose au moins sur un appareil juridique « solide » ?


    Solide ? Ce n’est sûrement pas l’accumulation de normes tatillonnes, envahissantes et illégitimes qui rend un système juridique solide. Envoyez un obèse aux jeux olympiques, vous allez voir son degré de performance et de compétitivité !

— Certes. Mais dans le cas de la France, cette « importation » de la préférence allemande pour la règle n'a-t-elle pas au moins l'intérêt d'être un rempart contre les errements d'une classe politique française accaparée par la compétition politicienne, elle-même permise par diverses évolutions du régime de 1958 ?

    Oh la-la ! Vous m’entraînez dans la sociologie politique. Allez voir le dernier film de Roberto Ando « Viva la libertà » qui ressasse l’éternel problème de la classe politique italienne, sans toutefois faire encore autre chose que de s’indigner et d’en appeler de façon incantatoire à  la repolitisation et au réenchantement… Les belles paroles et les leçons de morale ne suffisent pas à révolutionner les hommes et leurs mœurs ! Les Italiens comme les Français ont sûrement la classe politique qu’ils méritent : elle est sans doute à leur image. Il n’y pas de société politique corrompue sans société civile corruptrice. Mais je ne pense pas  que la solution à cette « catastrophe » (selon le terme du film) consiste à accepter de se soumettre à la schlague allemande. Je n’oublierai jamais la lettre péremptoire adressée en pleine crise financière par le commissaire européen Olli Rehn à Guglio Tremonti (ministre italien de l'économie et des finances de 2008 à 2011) et le priant de répondre « in english »…. L’horreur absolue, une gifle à la démocratie, mais Rome s’est couchée ! Et à quel terrible spectacle avons-nous assisté lorsque le Premier ministre grec a proposé d’organiser un référendum sur la mise sous tutelle de son pays … On venait tuer la démocratie à domicile ! Pierre-André Taguieff a écrit en 2001 sur l’Union une phrase dure mais vraie: «  L’Europe est un empire gouverné par des super-oligarques, caste d’imposteurs suprêmes célébrant le culte de la démocratie après en avoir confisqué le nom et interdit la pratique » (« Les ravages de la mondialisation heureuse », in Peut-on encore débattre en France ? Plon – Le Figaro, 2001).

— Pour terminer l'entretien et élargir le propos, éloignons-nous (quoique) de l'Union européenne et parlons du Conseil de l'Europe, et de sa célèbre charte sur les langues régionales et minoritaires. D'aucuns décrient une atteinte d'une rare gravité contre le modèle républicain français. Qu'en pensez-vous ?


    Je ne peux que vous renvoyer à mon article récemment publié dans Marianne le 31 janvier 2014. Mon point de vue est clair : cette charte et ses promoteurs sont anti-républicains.

— Vous avez parfois dénoncé la dimension anglo-saxonne qui tend à caractériser de plus en plus le droit européen, incompatible selon vous avec le droit continental, et a fortiori avec le droit républicain français. En quoi consiste cette incompatibilité ? Quelles conséquences produit cette différence de nature entre les différents droits applicables en France ?

    Outre les vieilles différences de système juridique entre la common law et le droit continental, il y a surtout une différence culturelle colossale entre le multiculturalisme anglo-saxon et le modèle républicain français. Lorsque nous organisons des colloques juridiques communs entre l'université de Rennes 1, celle de Louvain-la-Neuve en Belgique et celle d'Ottawa, au Canada, je me rends compte que nous sommes tous francophones mais que les Belges et les Canadiens ne raisonnent pas comme nous. C’est frappant. Tous les conflits qui traversent actuellement la société française résultent de cette confrontation entre le modèle républicain et le multiculturalisme (féminisme compris) anglo-saxon. Et vous remarquerez que tous ces conflits atterrissent dans la Constitution puisque c’est elle qui fonde notre contrat social et notre « tradition républicaine » (cf. révisions sur la Nouvelle-Calédonie, l’organisation décentralisée version fédéralisme asymétrique, parité, Europe, langues régionales, etc …). C’est incontestablement notre « identité constitutionnelle » qui est en jeu. 

— Vous avez mentionné plus tôt la Cour européenne des Droits de l'Homme, parlons-en. Ses juges sont réputés pour les controverses politiques que créent leurs jugements dans certains États, et plus généralement pour l'interprétation extensive qu'ils auraient de leur office. La justice ayant pour but de faire appliquer les lois qu'une société se donne, et en l'absence de société européenne, quelle est la légitimité d'une justice européenne s'appliquant uniformément à des pays de cultures et de traditions différentes ? Quelle place et quel crédit accorder à la supranationalité normative ?

    Vous savez, Jean Foyer, quand il était garde des sceaux du général de Gaulle, avait compris que si le texte de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme ne soulevait aucune objection en lui-même, c’est l’existence d’une Cour chargée de l’interpréter qui allait poser de graves problèmes de souveraineté. Il avait donc mis le général de Gaulle en garde contre le risque qu’il y avait à placer ainsi la France sous tutelle de juges européens. Au Conseil des ministres suivant, après que Couve de Murville eut exposé l’intérêt de ratifier la Convention, le Général conclut, en s’adressant à son garde des Sceaux: « J’ai lu votre note. Vous m’avez convaincu. La Convention ne sera pas ratifiée. La séance est levée ». Il lui avait précédemment enseigné : « Souvenez-vous de ceci : il y a d’abord la France, ensuite l’État, enfin, autant que les intérêts majeurs des deux sont sauvegardés, le droit ». Et il avait raison. Le droit n’est légitime que s’il traduit la volonté populaire, la « supranationalité » normative n’est évidemment pas légitime dès lors qu’elle échappe au contrôle des représentants de la nation.

Anne-Marie Le Pourhiet (Cercle Poincaré, 2 mars 2014)

Corporate Interests Behind Ukraine Putsch

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Corporate Interests Behind Ukraine Putsch

Behind the U.S.-backed coup that ousted the democratically elected president of Ukraine are the economic interests of giant corporations – from Cargill to Chevron – which see the country as a potential “gold mine” of profits from agricultural and energy exploitation, reports JP Sottile.

By JP Sottile

On Jan. 12, a reported 50,000 “pro-Western” Ukrainians descended upon Kiev’s Independence Square to protest against the government of President Viktor Yanukovych. Stoked in part by an attack on opposition leader Yuriy Lutsenko, the protest marked the beginning of the end of Yanukovych’s four year-long government.

That same day, the Financial Times reported a major deal for U.S. agribusiness titan Cargill.

Despite the turmoil within Ukrainian politics after Yanukovych rejected a major trade deal with the European Union just seven weeks earlier, Cargill was confident enough about the future to fork over $200 million to buy a stake in Ukraine’s UkrLandFarming. According to Financial Times, UkrLandFarming is the world’s eighth-largest land cultivator and second biggest egg producer. And those aren’t the only eggs in Cargill’s increasingly-ample basket.

On Dec. 13, Cargill announced the purchase of a stake in a Black Sea port. Cargill’s port at Novorossiysk — to the east of Russia’s strategically significant and historically important Crimean naval base — gives them a major entry-point to Russian markets and adds them to the list of Big Ag companies investing in ports around the Black Sea, both in Russia and Ukraine.

Cargill has been in Ukraine for over two decades, investing in grain elevators and acquiring a major Ukrainian animal feed company in 2011. And, based on its investment in UkrLandFarming, Cargill was decidedly confident amidst the post-EU deal chaos. It’s a stark juxtaposition to the alarm bells ringing out from the U.S. media, bellicose politicians on Capitol Hill and perplexed policymakers in the White House.

It’s even starker when compared to the anxiety expressed by Morgan Williams, President and CEO of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council — which, according to its website, has been “Promoting U.S.-Ukraine business relations since 1995.” Williams was interviewed by the International Business Times on March 13 and, despite Cargill’s demonstrated willingness to spend, he said, “The instability has forced businesses to just go about their daily business and not make future plans for investment, expansion and hiring more employees.”

In fact, Williams, who does double-duty as Director of Government Affairs at the private equity firm SigmaBleyzer, claimed, “Business plans have been at a standstill.”

Apparently, he wasn’t aware of Cargill’s investment, which is odd given the fact that he could’ve simply called Van A. Yeutter, Vice President for Corporate Affairs at Cargill, and asked him about his company’s quite active business plan. There is little doubt Williams has the phone number because Mr. Yuetter serves on the Executive Committee of the selfsame U.S.-Ukraine Business Council. It’s quite a cozy investment club, too.

According to his SigmaBleyzer profile, Williams “started his work regarding Ukraine in 1992” and has since advised American agribusinesses “investing in the former Soviet Union.” As an experienced fixer for Big Ag, he must be fairly friendly with the folks on the Executive Committee.

Big Ag Luminaries

And what a committee it is — it’s a veritable who’s who of Big Ag. Among the luminaries working tirelessly and no doubt selflessly for a better, freer Ukraine are:

–Melissa Agustin, Director, International Government Affairs & Trade for Monsanto

–Brigitte Dias Ferreira, Counsel, International Affairs for John Deere

–Steven Nadherny, Director, Institutional Relations for agriculture equipment-maker CNH Industrial

–Jeff Rowe, Regional Director for DuPont Pioneer

–John F. Steele, Director, International Affairs for Eli Lilly & Company

And, of course, Cargill’s Van A. Yeutter. But Cargill isn’t alone in their warm feelings toward Ukraine. As Reuters reported in May 2013, Monsanto — the largest seed company in the world — plans to build a $140 million “non-GM (genetically modified) corn seed plant in Ukraine.”

And right after the decision on the EU trade deal, Jesus Madrazo, Monsanto’s Vice President for Corporate Engagement, reaffirmed his company’s “commitment to Ukraine” and “the importance of creating a favorable environment that encourages innovation and fosters the continued development of agriculture.”

Monsanto’s strategy includes a little “hearts and minds” public relations, too. On the heels of Mr. Madrazo’s reaffirmation, Monsanto announced “a social development program titled “Grain Basket of the Future” to help rural villagers in the country improve their quality of life.” The initiative will dole out grants of up to $25,000 to develop programs providing “educational opportunities, community empowerment, or small business development.”

The well-crafted moniker “Grain Basket of the Future” is telling because, once upon a time, Ukraine was known as “the breadbasket” of the Soviet Union. The CIA ranks Soviet-era Ukraine second only to Mother Russia as the “most economically important component of the former Soviet Union.”

In many ways, the farmland of Ukraine was the backbone of the USSR. Its “fertile black soil” generated over a quarter of the USSR’s agriculture. It exported “substantial quantities” of food to other republics and its farms generated four times the output of “the next-ranking republic.”

Although Ukraine’s agricultural output plummeted in the first decade after the break-up of the Soviet Union, the farming sector has been growing spectacularly in recent years. While Europe struggled to shake-off the Great Recession, Ukraine’s agriculture sector grew 13.7% in 2013.

Ukraine’s agriculture economy is hot. Russia’s is not. Hampered by the effects of climate change and 25 million hectares of uncultivated agricultural land, Russia lags behind its former breadbasket.

According to the Centre for Eastern Studies, Ukraine’s agricultural exports rose from $4.3 billion in 2005 to $17.9 billion in 2012 and, harkening the heyday of the USSR, farming currently accounts for 25 percent of its total exports. Ukraine is also the world’s third-largest exporter of wheat and of corn. And corn is not just food. It is also ethanol.

Feeding Europe

But people gotta eat — particularly in Europe. As Frank Holmes of U.S. Global Investors assessed in 2011, Ukraine is poised to become Europe’s butcher. Meat is difficult to ship, but Ukraine is perfectly located to satiate Europe’s hunger.

Just two days after Cargill bought into UkrLandFarming, Global Meat News (yes, “Global Meat News” is a thing) reported a huge forecasted spike in “all kinds” of Ukrainian meat exports, with an increase of  8.1% overall and staggering 71.4% spike in pork exports. No wonder Eli Lilly is represented on the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council’s Executive Committee. Its Elanco Animal Health unit is a major manufacturer of feed supplements.

And it is also notable that Monsanto’s planned seed plant is non-GMO, perhaps anticipating an emerging GMO-unfriendly European market and Europe’s growing appetite for organic foods. When it comes to Big Ag’s profitable future in Europe, the stakes couldn’t be higher.

For Russia and its hampered farming economy, it’s another in a long string of losses to U.S. encroachment — from NATO expansion into Eastern Europe to U.S. military presence to its south and onto a major shale gas development deal recently signed by Chevron in Ukraine.

So, why was Big Ag so bullish on Ukraine, even in the face of so much uncertainty and the predictable reaction by Russia?

The answer is that the seeds of Ukraine’s turn from Russia have been sown for the last two decades by the persistent Cold War alliance between corporations and foreign policy. It’s a version of the “Deep State” that is usually associated with the oil and defense industries, but also exists in America’s other heavily subsidized industry — agriculture.

Morgan Williams is at the nexus of Big Ag’s alliance with U.S. foreign policy. To wit, SigmaBleyzer touts Mr. Williams’ work with “various agencies of the U.S. government, members of Congress, congressional committees, the Embassy of Ukraine to the U.S., international financial institutions, think tanks and other organizations on U.S.-Ukraine business, trade, investment and economic development issues.”

As President of the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council, Williams has access to Council cohort — David Kramer, President of Freedom House. Officially a non-governmental organization, it has been linked with overt and covert “democracy” efforts in places where the door isn’t open to American interests — a.k.a. U.S. corporations.

Freedom House, the National Endowment for Democracy and National Democratic Institute helped fund and support the Ukrainian “Orange Revolution” in 2004. Freedom House is funded directly by the U.S. Government, the National Endowment for Democracy and the U.S. Department of State.

David Kramer is a former Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs and, according to his Freedom House bio page, formerly a “Senior Fellow at the Project for the New American Century.”

Nuland’s Role

That puts Kramer and, by one degree of separation, Big Ag fixer Morgan Williams in the company of PNAC co-founder Robert Kagan who, as coincidence would have it, is married to Victoria “F*ck the EU” Nuland, the current Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs.

Interestingly enough, Ms. Nuland spoke to the U.S.-Ukrainian Foundation last Dec. 13, extolling the virtues of the Euromaidan movement as the embodiment of “the principles and values that are the cornerstones for all free democracies.”

Nuland also told the group that the United States had invested more than $5 billion in support of Ukraine’s “European aspirations,” meaning pulling Ukraine away from Russia. She made her remarks on a dais featuring a backdrop emblazoned with a Chevron logo.

Also, her colleague and phone call buddy U.S. Ambassador to Ukraine Geoffrey Pyatt helped Chevron cook up their 50-year shale gas deal right in Russia’s kitchen.

Although Chevron sponsored that event, it is not listed as a supporter of the Foundation. But the Foundation does list the Coca-Cola Company, ExxonMobil and Raytheon as major sponsors. And, to close the circle of influence, the U.S.-Ukraine Business Council is also listed as a supporter.

Which brings the story back to Big Ag’s fixer — Morgan Williams.

Although he was glum about the current state of investment in Ukraine, he’s gotta wear shades when he looks into the future. He told the International Business Times, “The potential here for agriculture/agribusiness is amazing … production here could double.  The world needs the food Ukraine could produce in the future. Ukraine’s agriculture could be a real gold mine.”

Of course, his priority is to ensure that the bread of well-connected businesses gets lavishly buttered in Russia’s former breadbasket. And there is no better connected group of Ukraine-interested corporations than American agribusiness.

Given the extent of U.S. official involvement in Ukrainian politics — including the interesting fact that Ambassador Pyatt pledged U.S. assistance to the new government in investigating and rooting-out corruption — Cargill’s seemingly risky investment strategy probably wasn’t that risky, after all.

JP Sottile is a freelance journalist, radio co-host, documentary filmmaker and former broadcast news producer in Washington, D.C. His weekly show, Inside the Headlines w/ The Newsvandal, co-hosted by James Moore, airs every Friday on KRUU-FM in Fairfield, Iowa and is available online. He blogs at Newsvandal.com or you can follow him on Twitter, http://twitter/newsvandal.

The NATO Syndrome, the EU’s Eastern Partnership Program, and the EAU

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Kto Kogo?*

 

The NATO Syndrome, the EU’s Eastern Partnership Program, and the EAU

By

Ex: http://www.lewrockwell.com

In 2009, Poland and Sweden, ever attentive to the US’s geostrategic goals of isolating Russia and gaining control of China thereafter, initiated the Eastern Partnership program, which its sponsors said was intended to tighten ties with former Soviet Republics, such as Moldova, Armenia, Kyrgyzstan, and Ukraine.  A trade pact is a part of the Partnership’s Association Agreement (AA) deal.

What the Russians saw in the EU initiative was a repeat of the “NATO Syndrome,” in that what was promised would soon be betrayed, i.e. no NATO expansion in exchange for a Soviet agreement to the reunification of Germany.

To Russian eyes, NATO’s 1999 expansion throughout Eastern Europe and the subsequent celebratory bombing campaign against Serbia, inaugurated just one month later, and the still later Albanian annexation of Serbia’s heartland province of Kosovo, were altogether the Clinton Administration’s triple-combo opening salvos in an American campaign to recreate the Versailles Treaty’s cordon sanitaire.  And the 2009 Association Agreement is but a Trojan horse whose only practical purpose is to advance US and EU interests at the expense of the former Soviet republics’ naïve hopes and Russian security.

Dangling the Association Agreement’s implied – but not certain – right of eventual EU membership before the economically struggling former Soviet republics was but a means to beguile them into the EU orbit and thus US control with a future as NATO base hosts and IMF lab rats.

When the terms of the AA are examined, Russian skepticism is understandable.  The 350 laws alone that Ukraine would be required to institute over a ten-year period at a cost of twice the nation’s projected GNP in the same time period would overwhelm the struggling country, few of whose industrial and manufacturing products are either wanted or needed in the EU.

But whether or not Ukraine ever managed to fulfill EU conditions for membership would be of no importance to the U.S.  Once bound tight with IMF conditions and saddled with World Bank loans and perpetual debt, thereafter the west could leave the AA’s signatories to rot in limbo for years while their territory, cheap labor and resources were put to other, alien purposes.

The Russians saw as well that both the countries of the former Soviet Union and Russia, sandwiched as they are between large geopolitical units (China and the EU,) are disadvantaged when negotiating trade treaties and other matters.  Thus was born the idea of a new structure, the Eurasian Union (EAU), which began with the establishment of a Customs Union between Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan in 2010.  The Russian plan was to inaugurate the Eurasian Union in 2015 with the inclusion of Armenia, Kyrgyzstan and Ukraine.

It is the Russian EAU initiative which is said to be Putin’s ham-fisted attempt to re-establish the Soviet empire, and not the plan of a man who accepts the world’s current political configuration and is attempting to place his country within that configuration as advantageously as possible.  It’s been a hard sell.

Without Ukraine, a Eurasian Union is at risk of never coalescing usefully, leaving the former republics and Russia vulnerable to neocon and globalist raids and incursions, possibly under cover of staged terrorist events.  In effect, the consequences might not be dissimilar from the days when Russian princes were run ragged repelling Tartar incursions from the south or the east, only having to turn and race westerly to beat back Lithuanian or Polish brigands.

By the week of the EU’s Eastern Partnership’s signing debut at the end of November 2013, Vladimir Putin had told Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovich that he could continue flirting with the EU, if he wished.  But if Ukraine wanted a trade agreement with Russia, with whom the lion’s share of Ukraine’s trade actually occurs, $15 billion in the coming year, cut-rate gas prices, industrial co-operation projects, and possible further credits, the country would agree to the EAU.  Compared to the $200 million the EU offered out of a total of $799 million for all eight targeted Association Agreement signers and a certain decade in EU cold storage while the country underwent an IMF-directed mauling, Yanukovich made the prudent choice.

When the Ukrainian president informed the EU that Ukraine’s participation in the AA would require further discussion, a reasonable position considering the AA as drafted, and that the country had agreed to the join the EAU, thousands of misguided and confused protestors appeared in the Maidan.  Once the terms of the Russian offer were made public, the protests began petering out.

But in both the Russians’ EAU game plan and that of the US’s effort to sabotage the EAU, Ukraine is key.  Protest crowds on the Maidan began to grow again amid reports that many in the crowd were working for a daily wage.  Whether paid or unpaid, bussed in from Moldova or fresh off the Kiev city tram, it’s certain Ukrainians were not demonstrating for the establishment of NATO bases or IMF agreements, a number of which have already floundered and failed.

Recent events are not the first time the US has used Ukraine in an attempt to displace Russia as a significant power by piercing its sphere of influence.

In 2004, Putin and then Prime Minister Viktor Yanukovich had begun to tackle the politicized supply structure Stalin created to make permanent the Soviet Union.  By changing national borders and spreading key industrial components over two or more republics, Stalin bound the Soviet empire together.  When the 15 constituent republics that made up the Soviet Union became independent nations in 1992, this cross-border supply structure created havoc.

Mighty Soviet aluminum smelters were located in Siberia, but supplies of bauxite were to be had only in Ukraine.  A component an electronics manufacturer in Kharkiv needed could only be obtained from a manufacturer in Vilnius.  Multiplying the complications for obtaining key inputs throughout the industrial and manufacturing sectors of 15 nascent and bankrupt governments gives a fuller understanding of why the former republics have failed to successfully restructure their national economies.

Putin’s and Yanukovich’s initial efforts were beneficial, particularly to eastern Ukraine, in which the republic’s industrial sector is concentrated.  In 2004, Ukraine experienced a 12% increase in GNP, and the national currency, the hryvnia, enjoyed a modest appreciation.

The US-sponsored 2004 Orange Revolution put paid to the Putin-Yanukovich initiatives, and the Ukrainian cycle of state officials’ theft and oligarchical favoritism began anew under US-presidential pick Viktor Yushchenko, a recent tradition of sorts which Yanukovich was eager to honor, as well.

Fast forward to 21 February 2014, the day of the Yanukovich government’s violent ouster.  Earlier that day, Germany, France and Poland had brokered a compromise agreement between the elected Ukrainian government and the protestors’ spokesmen.  Having already agreed and executed much of the protestors’ agenda, the pre-2004 Ukrainian constitution was to be restored and Yanukovich, in turn, would stay in the diminished office of the presidency until new elections could be organized.

Within 12 hours of the agreement’s signing, dozens of corpses of demonstrators and police killed by sniper fire were reported in the Maidan.  On Saturday, in an un-constitutional procedure the Ukrainian parliament impeached Yanukovich, who then fled to Russia in fear of his life.

The Russian Foreign Ministry Russian Foreign Ministry observed that the Friday agreement was used “with the tacit consent of its external sponsors” as a “cover to promote the script of a forced change of power in Ukraine.”  In other words, the Russians smelled a high-stakes trick.

Now that the Ashton-Paet tape has leaked, and despite its being obediently ignored by the mainstream media, one wonders what other actions the west may have known about, but left unremarked on that Friday. Did the EU negotiators know that the opposition they were then championing in accordance with US preferences had possibly directed snipers into the Maidan to murder demonstrators and policemen alike?

Russian warnings to the US and the EU about the rough crowd in Kiev they’d taken up with were ignored. An arrogant Washington, in accord with a famous Leninism regarding the expediency of temporary alliances, sees no problem.  Once Ukrainian hotheads and thugs have been bled of all possible utility, they will be eliminated. Think Egypt.

In response to the coup, Moscow swiftly drew a red line so bright it might as well have been flashing in neon: within a day of Yanukovich’s shambolic impeachment 150,000 Russian soldiers were engaged in military exercises not so very far from Russia’s border with eastern Ukraine, almost overnight Crimea was under Russian military control, a bottled-up Ukrainian navy was registering little alarm at their predicament, and further payments on the remaining $12 billion of the $15 billion cash infusion and cut-rate prices for Russian gas Putin had earlier agreed with the overturned Yanukovich government were shelved.

What the US and the EU immediately claimed was a Russian invasion of Ukraine was a long term leaseholder’s defense of its property right.  Even with 16,000 troops in Ukraine, Russia is not in violation of the terms of its lease on the Sevastopol naval base.  The lease, a treaty in fact, permits the stationing and multiple movements on Crimean territory of as many as 25,000 Russian troops.

The west’s claim of a Russian invasion of Crimea is intended to support Ukrainian control of the Kerch Strait, a waterway at the northern end of the Black Sea which separates Ukraine’s Crimea Peninsula from the coast of Southern Russia and is one of Ukraine’s three potentially oil-producing provinces. Gas reserves lie offshore of the peninsula.

The US believes Ukraine’s long term needs for energy and income can be satisfied by cutting deals with Big Oil to drill for oil and gas, which can then be shipped through Ukrainian pipelines to the EU, and Europe’s dependence on Russian gas a forgotten inconvenience.

Complicating western media scripts, the Crimean parliament voted on 6 March to rejoin the Russian Federation.  A public referendum on Sunday, 16 March, confirmed the parliament’s earlier vote and the 96.7% of the electorate that voted its approval tallies with a 93.2% approval when the same question was put to the electorate in a 1991 referendum.  In the run-up to the recent public vote, 1000s-strong pro-Russian demonstrations erupted in the eastern Ukrainian cities of Donetsk and Lugansk at which possibly western mercenaries hired by wealthy Ukrainian oligarchs played the role of spoilers.

Without foreign largesse, the new Ukrainian coup government can’t even pay the nation’s light bill much less a single Ukrainian soldier’s combat pay.  In fact, the cost of tidying up a Ukraine that has been criminally misgoverned for over two decades in order to accommodate EU standards and procedures is in the neighborhood of a $200 billion, years-long taxpayer liability.

To date, the US has pledged $1 billion and the EU is planning a $1.5 billion emergency transfer to tide the coup government over prior to an IMF agreement and all before the 25 May elections.  Within a week of their elevation-by-mob, interim government leaders embarked on a palms-out Grande Tour of sorts.  A combined sum of $35 billion in promised IMF loans is now the west’s opening bid.

US policy achievements on behalf of American taxpayers for their $5 billion investment to date:  State Department-approved Ukrainian coup government officials have asked for money to finance an “independent Ukraine,” the US and the EU have offered up a promise of $35 billion to insure an “independent Ukraine,” and an “independent Ukraine” has agreed to take the money.

Where are the Pravy Sektor defaulters when you need them?  Hmm?

Over the horizon lies a propaganda campaign devoted to browbeating at least some of the Ukrainians’ requested billions from Russia’s earlier deal with the Yanukovich government on what will be said to be a “humanitarian” basis.  Rather like the ancient practice of the condemned paying the executioner’s fee, it will be an effort to maneuver Russia into paying the initial costs of Ukraine’s first steps towards EU membership.

When the Ukrainian people understand that the price for daydreams of strolling the Champs d’Elysées with a pocketful of euros is an IMF restructuring that entails the devaluation of the hryvnia, cuts in pensions, benefits and salaries to state employees, raising of the retirement age, the removal of subsidies to coal and other underperforming industries, the growth of natural gas prices, and other toxic rules and conditions that will translate into a life harder and colder than it now is, more turmoil is guaranteed.

Turmoil is the very aim of contemporary US statecraft.  In the “divide and rule” political schemata of empire, US blunders are but new opportunities to tighten the screws on what the US policymakers regard not as nations, but as subject territories.

What is extraordinary is that EU officials are persisting in the attempt to squeeze agreement with the IMF and to the Eastern Partnership from Ukraine’s coup government prior to the 25 May elections, and thereby secure their agents’ permanent presence in the country as a thing done.  The EU rush speaks to the insincerity and weakness of any substantial EU commitment to aid Ukraine or her people.

The Russians’ refusal to recognize the coup government is correct; doing so would only work to support the inevitable US effort to trade a Ukrainian agreement to the AA to Russia in return for Ukraine’s acceptance of the loss of Crimea.

In the wake of the Crimean referendum, a hysterical western and specifically US-aligned media has been shouting warnings of a sudden Russian grab for eastern Ukraine.  Stalin could have written the script – for the Americans, who without any foreign influence whatsoever long ago established their own history of provoking attacks.

Confused overnight media reports of the death of a Ukrainian soldier in Crimea, which imply that Russian troops are responsible, but which locals say was a tragic consequence of a dust-up with Crimean self-defense forces and an unknown sniper,  are indicative of the Russians’ concern that the west will create the evidence that compels Putin to make good his promises of protection of Russians in western Ukraine.

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that Russian support for an OSCE observer mission in Ukraine is based on the need “of preventing provocations by ultranationalist and radical forces against Russian speakers and our compatriots in southeastern Ukraine and other regions.”

Contrary to western media’s repeated provocations, Russia has no interest in a divided Ukraine.  A divided country would only open Russia to endless enmity from western Ukrainians, and ongoing cross-border violence.  A division would be a tragedy for western Ukraine, which would bring increased economic misery and leave the country subject to a possible Polish annexation.

In truth, US scheming and bellicosity in Ukraine have only worked to drag the world back to the tired rhetoric of the cold war and to that era’s nuclear dangers and destructive tit-for-tat policies of economic sanctions, asset freezes, and boycotts.  The only bit of “new” is the threat of kicking Russia out of the irrelevant G-8’s treehouse.

The experience is rather like watching dinosaurs crashing about in a Steven Spielberg film.

The world is de-centralizing, and neither the rapidly changing times nor the world’s finances favor out-of-date multinational organizations, run-a-muck central banks, or rolling superpower seditions and military aggressions.

If so, then what explains Germany’s support of the US lead?  Since Russia supplies a third of the gas for Germany’s economy, risking Russia’s alienation seems unwise.

The cat western media doesn’t let out of the bag is the fact that Germany has a full tank of gas, and there’s plenty more from where that came from.

Gazprom’s Baltic Sea ‘Nord Stream’ project is complete and is now transporting Russian gas to Germany through a pipeline that transverses the bottom of the Baltic Sea, and the pipe’s capacity is double the amount of gas Germany purchased from Russia in 2012.  Since 2005, the chairman of the supervisory board of the management company of Nord Stream is Gerhard Shröder, the former German chancellor.

Gazprom in conjunction with Italy, France and Germany is building a second pipe, South Stream. The former SPD mayor of Hamburg, Henning Voscherau, plays the same supervisory role at South Stream Transport AG as Shröder does at Nord Stream.

Interestingly, the Financial Times reported that the City’s skittishness in the wake of John Kerry’s idiotic ultimatum to Putin to renounce in advance the results of the referendum in Crimea put ‘half a dozen live deals to fund some of Russia’s biggest companies” in limbo.”  But the FT article highlighted one deal that was not put in limbo:  “South Stream announced that it had signed a contract worth about EUR2 billion with Saipem of Italy to build the offshore stretch of the route under the Black Sea from Russia to Bulgaria. Construction is scheduled to start in June.”

Gazprom CEO Alexei Miller has been quoted as saying that the two projects in combination with the already-existing Belorussian “Beltansgaz” pipe would turn Ukraine’s network of gas pipelines and biggest strategic asset into “scrap.”

In other words, Germany’s verbal support for the west’s initiatives costs Germany exactly nothing.  Any actions beyond the symbolic would cost Germany.  Therefore, there will be no EU sanctions of consequence.  Even were Germany on side for a US-decreed suicide mission, twenty-eight nations’ governments are not going to agree to economic policies that will take the cost out of their own hides. In other words, no State Department neo-con princess is going to ‘’F**k the EU.”

With the Nord and South stream projects in hand, Germany, which has prospered mightily from the euro, but whose taxpayers are weary of bankrolling the sinking Mediterranean countries’ loans made by the prosperous north’s banks, has positioned itself remarkably well; in an EU financial pile-up, exiting the EU wouldn’t amount to much more than a fender bender.

Now that west has adopted Bolshevik political tools, the Russians ought to keep turning the tables and counter with what the west advocates only with words, i.e. freedom and economic competition.

An EAU based on free trade in which there are no tariffs, no quotas, and no favoritism by or for any member and which allowed for associate members would put the Soviet boogieman back in the closet.  A free trade pact would allow Russia and the former republics to reap the benefits of the spontaneous order that the world’s people are building daily on the internet without any state’s direction or even much of an awareness of what they are doing.

There would be costs to Russia for such an arrangement, and a subsidized energy program for certain former republics would have to be included initially, (and would be difficult to retire when no longer needed.)  But those initial costs would be less than the long term ones of state-managed trade agreements at which literally thousands of government lawyers and bureaucrats labor continually in order to first design and then police the treaties, which protect and favor individual nation’s corporate political funders at consumers’ expense.

An unhindered market-driven trade block would quickly rationalize the last vestiges of Stalin’s cross-border supply system at no cost to the Kremlin.  Endemic corruption would diminish since no bribes need be paid for permissions no longer required.  Overall, commerce and enterprise would be favored throughout the EAU.

A trade apparatus in which competing private entities provide reliable and efficient transport, short and intermediate term trade finance, goods insurance, and rapid dispute resolution in private courts would work to swell EAU membership rolls.  An EAU supportive of co-operative and unfettered trade would draw foreign investment, and new applicants for membership both within and outside of the CIS (Commonwealth of Independent States).

Would Russia ever initiate such a system?

The Russian love of everything big rather than the small and the quick argues against.  An unfortunate predilection towards monopoly, a modern manifestation of the legacy of the votchina structure of property rights established in the ancient Kievian state of ‘Rus, also posits a no.  Ditto the exhaustively detailed agreements covering every right and every duty between contracting parties. These elements all boil down to, for instance, Gazprom’s cultural and business preference for signing a single, complex, multi-year contract with Germany’s Ruhrgas, and not many agreements with a plethora of independent suppliers.

Still, the west would be wrong to write off the possibility of having to compete with a lean and mean EAU trade block.  Russia has demonstrated a capability for surprise.

After all, who would have thought in 2001 that the president of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, would liberate the greatest number of people on the planet?

“Say what!?” you ask.

If any reader knows of another leader of a major power, who instituted a flat tax of 13% or less, and thereby liberated his people from the necessity of burdensome record keeping and government tracking, while eliminating from households’ budgets the grievous costs of accountants, tax lawyers, offshore scams, and sparing everyday life the social costs inherent in a society riven by the divisiveness that comes of progressive taxation, then, dear reader, please do email me that name.

_____________________________________________________________

Kto kogo? was one of Vladimir Lenin’s favorite expressions. Literally, the phrase means “Who of whom,” and is perhaps best translated as “Who will triumph (over whom)?”  The ‘g’ in kogo is pronounced as a ‘v’.

 

dimanche, 23 mars 2014

Crimea’s Reunification with Russia and National Self-Determination Trends in Europe

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Crimea’s Reunification with Russia and National Self-Determination Trends in Europe, Time for Peoples to Decide Their Own Fates

Dmitry MININ

Ex: http://www.strategic-culture.org

 
The Crimea’s return to Russia is a hot issue, but it’s not something absolutely extraordinary for Europe. Pretty soon the international community’s attention will switch over to other important and unexpected events related to the desire of peoples to implement their right to self-determination. 

As European history shows, the national states normally appear as a result of big wars: Germany and Italy were unified in the 70s of XIX century and new states emerged in the Balkans. As WWI and WWII ended, Europe has been facing vibrant events leading to the creation of new states and reshaping of borders. I thought that the period of 1989 -1992 was the time of the fourth wave of European map reshaping as the Cold War was over and a number of former socialist states dismembered. 23 states have appeared, or 24 entities if Kosovo is counted, in the place of Czechoslovakia, the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia as of 1989. The whole Slav world actually has gone through a transition period leading to the emergence of national states. The number is 13 now, but the figure is believed to bring bad luck, something that makes experts believe one more addition to the count – a state of Carpathian Rusyns - would just hit the spot as this is the only Slav nation still destitute of statehood and national identification. 

A group of Western states led by the United States and other NATO members actually inspired the fourth wave using the energy of nationalism to weaken a geopolitical adversary. But once started, a chain reaction is hard to stop. It has not been extinguished during all these twenty years but was rather shouldering waiting for the time to come. Back in history, a national partition used to happen after two-three generations, nowadays one generation is enough. Now the fifth wave of national identification is striking Europe and it is not necessarily linked to wars. Some peoples, especially in the West, continue to face the trends to partition, while others are in the process of unification, like in the case of Russia, for instance. Crimea is a more a left-over from the 1990s, and the main events are expected to take place soon not in the post-Soviet space, but rather in the «united» Europe. The Crimean referendum may influence the situation to some extent, but, in essence, it’ll be a backlash to the process launched by the West. These are the whims of Nemesis, the goddess of revenge. 

First of all, new tensions are getting high where national problems are still waiting for final solutions, or in the states of the Western Europe, and it is a heavy burden to be shouldered by Brussels. The risk of the use of force is high. Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina have been dreaming about a national entity - the Croatian Republic of Herzeg-Bosnia - or joining Croatia since the days of the war. Serbs still cherish plans for the Republic of Srpska to become independent or become part of Serbia. Bosnian Muslims have been staging social protests for a few months, it’s not about economy only, they also raise the issue of national identity. The regional Muslim movement for autonomy in the Sanjak situated between Montenegro and Serbia would like to unite with the people of the same religion living in the north to make Greater Bosnia emerge. 

Serbs in In Kosovo-Mitrovica are especially elated by the Crimea events. They intend to intensify the pressure on Belgrade to make it insist they stay out of Pristina control. The Albanians in western Macedonia proclaimed the foundation of the Republic of Illirida in 1990, now they want the status of federal entity. In Bulgaria the trend to claim the larger part of eastern Macedonia is on the rise. Bulgarians believe the land rightfully belongs to them. Romania sets its eyes on Moldavia. Inside Romania the Székely Hungarians have intensified their activities. Almost all of them have Hungarian passports and demand self-determination for a large part of Transylvania as the first step on the way of unification with motherland. Slovakia and Serbian Voevodina face the same problems with Hungarian population. Formally Poland unambiguously supports the Kiev government, but experts have already expressed the opinion that the time has come to return the eastern kresy (borderlands in western Ukraine which is a former territory of the eastern provinces of Poland) into Rzeczpospolita (Poland). 

In Western Europe separatism has two trends: non-recognition of existing borders (in Belgium, Spain, Great Britain, Italy, France, Denmark and Germany) and negative attitude towards the EU itself. The November 2012 survey held in the UK showed the majority (56%) say «no» to the European Union and would prefer to leave. Prime Minister David Cameron has already said it’s a cut-and dried decision to hold a referendum on the issue. Germany follows the trend: 49% respondents there said they would be better off without the EU. Adding the sinking Ukraine to the pile of EU burdens will obviously strengthen the trend. The introduction of large-scale sanctions against Russia will inevitably lead to the general deterioration of economic situation in Europe putting the EU on the brink of disintegration. Some scenarios envision Europe as a federal state comprising 75 national states. This vision belongs to Daniel Cohn-Bendit of Germany’s Green Party and Guy Verhofstadt, former Prime Minister of Belgium, an author of a popular manifest on federal Europe. 

Talking about individual states, the partition of Great Britain is seen as inevitable. Simon Thomas, a Welsh Plaid Cymru party politician, believes that the 2014 referendum in Scotland will become an icebreaker moving across all the parts of the UK. According to him, the promulgation of Scotland’s independence means the partition of Great Britain. He believes that Scotland is the best example. Still Northern Iceland and Wales are in for changes. Simon Thomas thinks that it would be better for Wales to stay in the united Europe in case it leaves the UK. Not much time is left till the referendum slated for September 18 takes place. Scotland is attentively following the events in Crimea. It would be relevant to ask why something allowed once should be forbidden in other cases? Is it that "Gods may do what cattle may not»?

Germany still remains one state due to the inertia of recent unification, but it may not be immune to partition in the long run. It consists of different parts with the dialects that differ more than Russian and Ukrainian languages, for instance. 

The trend is on the rise – those who live in Bavaria and Baden-Württemberg don’t want to share with «hangers-on» from other, less prosperous, German lands. Wilfried Scharnagl, a high-standing member of the ruling Bavarian Christian Social Union party, has recently published his sensational book Freedom from Germany trying to wake up the Bavarian political establishment which has been surreptitiously dreaming about independence. 

In Italy the Northern League (Lega Nord) has been gaining strength since the 1960-70s cherishing dreams about separating from loafers, mafiosi and hedonists in the south by uniting into Padania, the land of hard working northerners. These kinds of ideas have become most popular as the crisis set in making the regions tighten their belts to increase aid to southern provinces deep in debt. Alto Adige (South Tyrol) is mainly populated by Austrians; it became part of Italy after WWII. The separatist trends there are on the rise. Venice has already launched a five-day referendum on splitting from Rome. The poll was organized by local activists and parties, who want a future state called Republic of Veneto. This would be reminiscent of the sovereign Venetian republic that existed for more than 1,000 years. 

 

In France, the voices calling for autonomy or even secession from Paris are heard louder in Corse, Alsace and Bretagne. 

In Spain Catalonia is demanding independence with Galicia and the Basque country ready to follow suit. A referendum in Catalonia is slated for November 4, no matter the central government in Madrid opposes the action. Barcelona has no intention to retreat. Here is a one more precedent relevant to the referendum just held in Crimea. 

 The attempts to keep Flanders and Wallonia together as parts of Belgium stymie, and Brussels, the European capital, risks remaining an entity with vaguely defined status. 

There are overseas forces that have fostered the separatist trends guided by the good old «rule and divide!» principle. Of course, the USA would like to see divided the West and the East of the continent. The separatist sentiments, limited by the West against the background of opposite trends picking up steam in the East, hardly meet the Washington’s goals. The US has failed to take into consideration just one thing. The peoples’ right to self-determination does not only presuppose a partition in case they don’t want to live together, but also unification if it meets the prevailing aspirations. Russia has overcome the negative trends emerged as a result of imposed disintegration and stepped on the different path of consolidation. That’s why the White House is so vibrant in its opposition to what is happening around Ukraine. The great strategic plan of «continents big game» is getting frustrated. As the history goes to show – Crimea is just the first step.